Turkey: the Savage Face of Military Dic

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TURKEY SOLIDARITY CAMPAIGN The Turkey Solidarity Campaign has just produced its first Information Bulletin, on Turkey for the Labour and Trade Union It is available free of charge from BM Box 5965, London WCIN 3XX. How do you characterise the present regime in Turkey?

It is necessary first to outline the pre-coup period In Turkey, unlike bourgeois "democratic' republics in which the highest body is Parliament, the state was overseen by the National Security Committeéconsisting of the military chiefs and senior government ministers with executive and legislative powers.

The organs of the state relating to economic affairs have always been controlled by the monopoly capitalists (and also by landowners but less effectively) and their bureaucrats.

A good example of these bureaucrats is Turgot Ozal. He was formally head of the economic affairs council, general coordinator in Demirel's govern... ment (though not an MP), director of the Metal Industry Employers' Union - and . a member of the Association of Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen.

Today he is head of the industrial and technological council' of General Evren's junta and a state minister.

The power bloc of the ruling classes is an alliance of the monopoly capitalists and the major semi-feudal and capitalist iandowners.

Naturally the monopoly capitalists are the dominant group.

The oligarchic character of the state is determined primarily by the nature of the bloc and its relations with the labouring masses and also other fractions lila of the bourgeois class (middle strata).

The process which prepared the September 12 coup arose from the domination of Turkish industry by the monopolies and Turkish troops finance capital.

From 1973 to 1980 the low wages (from 1966 to 1980 monopoly capitalists overcame the decline in real wages was their crisis firstly through the almone lab uring masses saw RPP and then the Justice Party, using martial law and prohibi- through reformist illusions in tion of strikes, forcing the work- the RPP government, especially General Evren its inconsistent policy towards Ecevit's line of "we are against the left as well as the right" gave way to the rapid expansion of fascist terror organisations.

crats.

While the RPP could. not oveicome the crisis on behalf of big business, neither could if offer any improvement in the daily life of the masses. good atmosphere for a coup.

On the contrary the social and economic crisis became more extensive.

This created a very pessimistic mood in the masses, though hopes of the probability of reforms persisted despite the in Turkey. incapacity of the RPP and the bloody attacks of the fascist bands.

The rise in the social opposi- coup situation. tion began to slow down and then gradually stopped. The masses had started to quit the platform of reformism without being radicalised. They had gradually lost faith in their own capacity and strength.

Martial law was declared by bourgeoisie (e.g. Kemalism). the RPP in 1978 after the fascist genocide at KaramanMovement' became a key factor for gaining the consent of the masses.

The junta's attitude towards the fascist terrorists has to be seen in this context; they must give the impression that the junta is a supra-class institution.

The weakness of the socialist organisations, their inability to develop strong relations with the masses and the weakness of the reyolutionary tradition on the one hand and the weakness of the fascist organisation, and its immaturity to handle and direct the state, make military dictatorship the most appropriate solution.

In addition the stabilisation period of fascist dictatorship could create even more turbulence in society: and the Consequently the new form of the state could. only be military dictatorship.

What répression does the take?

The junta is careful about how it implements its policies; it balances between coercion and consent. In front of the masses it has a paternalist and "above classes" appearance, but at the same time it shows it has the bayonet under its coat.

The abolition of parliament and political parties appeared for the masses an end to the impasse of Republican Peoples Party and Justice Party rule.

This is true, but only from the standpoint of monopoly capital.

In contrast to this appearance of general tolerance it takes a very sharp, irreconcilable attitude to petty bourgeois left groupings and fascist terrorists who had been alienated from popular support.

This was welcomed by the This was shown by the fascists whose tactics had been junta's move to reintroduce force the government to hangings of both left and right. declare martial law and then use Despite this, the atttack on the army-in which the fascists the left cannot • be equated to are extensively • organised the treatment of the fascist -against socialists and demo- party. and its supplementary organisations; there is a qualitative difference.

The frustration of the The fascist movement has reformists' hopes, the inability been taken under control and its of the weak socialist moyement ultra-right wings have been to pose a concrete alternative clipped, but the repression and fascist attacks created a against the left is aimed at its physical annihilation and liquidInternationally following the ation:

Iranian revolution and uprising The best example of this. is of the Kurdish people, NATC the pair of horns' operation, wanted stable relations with which was aimed at hunting their dependents in the Near down and wiping out these East, and a strong government groups.

During curfews, bodies have The attitude, of the middle been found in rivers and on class was one of the most wasteland. Soldiers . WeIe important elements in the preprovided with lists of names by fascist informers and the killings If the struggle of the labour- carried out in that way. ing masses is not able to present The army tried to organise them with an alternative to general searches of city areas their crisis, they can be drawn but were forced to drop this. behind counter-revolutionary Still thére are continuous ideologies, either fascism or the, ;searches in towns and on travel official ideology of the Turkish between them.

In Kurdistan this is more The use of this Kemalist vicious. Machine gun towers ideology by the military leaders have been built surrounding some towns. The Kurdish villages are being terrorised.

The junta makes big propaganda against the organisations being suppressed, using TV, etc., and getting members of groups to make public confessions.

One other practice of the dictatorship has been to attempt to liquidate trade union activities. For example, collective bargaining has been linked to an arbitration committee of employers, technocrats, the state and workers' representatives from Turk-Is.

Every sphere of society is attempted to be controlled, with military appointments being made to all important institutions. This shows the generals are planning to stay for a prolonged period. Turgot Ozal, the junta's economic expert, has introduced a five yeat programme.

What about the situation factories?

It is impossible to answer accurately. Isolated accounts are not adequate in establishing the exact situation. 'However it seems the socialists have been isolated in large numbers from the factories.

The junta approaches the working class very cautiously and makes repeated promises. Even General Even has addressed workers in the southern industrial towns of Adana and Mersin.

The junta is scared of the working class. Immediately after the coup we found out that in 50 factories the workers spontaneously introduced go-slows as a class reaction.

The government censored all news on this. When the action was over they moved against the shop stewards, members of DISK, arrested and tortured them.

They successfully separated the DISK leadership from the working class.

How are political prisoners treated?

The method used against communist prisoners is not their physical liquidation but to morally and ideologically systematically break their spirit.

They force revolutionaries to a position where they lose their self-respect.

Beatings up and tortures have been successfully used against some of the younger prisoners but not those with experience.

Four of our friends were put into solitary confinement, beaten up regularly every day and hospitalised.

The authorities were frightened they would die and were forced to stop. The junta claims the youth have been corrupted by foreign' ideologies and need to be re educated in Kemalism, so there are continuous lectures and classes on this in the prisons.

Of course, torture has been widespread in Turkey for years but the junta has introduced new methods.

One of them is for married or engaged couples to be stripped • and interrogated together and both male and female to be raped during this ordeal.

Those prisoners who refuse to speak are tried in phoney courts whete they are tried, sertenced to death and even brought to the scaffold where the rope breaks at the last moment.

Another new method is to take such prisoners with others who pretend to be in the same position to waste ground where the false prisoner is 'shot' with blank bullets and the real prisoner made to talk under fear of the same treatment.

Today the relations from outside with those who are imprisoned is extremely weak and it is not possible to get the full picture.

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to the left as a iesult of a Labour Party delegation to massive influx of new members Istael shortly!! -Zionist military rule in the West Bank town of Nablus Bradford 25 March 1981 Dear Comrades, Over the , past. months Dundee has captured the press headlines as a result of the struggle carried out by Labour MP Ernie Ross, George Galloway, the Scottish Labour Party chairman, and local trade unionists on behalf of the dispossessed Palestinian people.

Last November a decision was taken on the Dundee Council to twin the town with Nablus in the West Bank, a town renowned for being a centre of Palestinian resistance to Zionist occupation.

Mr Bassam Shaqa, the Arab Mayor of Nablus, who recently lost his legs as the result of a Zionist car bomb attack, visited Dundee and presented the City with the flag of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation, the legitimate symbol of the Palestinian people.

Since the visit the Palestinian flag has flown over the Council chamber. This initiative has proved a powerful focus for the labour movement to raise the plight of the Palestinians Britain.

Israel, as a country, relies totally upon imperialism for its economic existence defensive capacity. Imperialist financial and military aid puts the backbone into Zionism and keeps afloat a colonial state despite over 130% inflation and massive defence budgets.

• For many decades, Zionism, a world movement, has been effective in spreading lies about its history and intentions Such lies have taken firm root in the organised British labour movement through organisations such as Poale Zion affiliated to and active in the British Labour Party. Leading Labour politicians such as Harold Wilson and Tony Benn have assisted the Zionists by, in some cases, giving left credentiais to a racist, colonialist movement.

Labour Party members will remember Wilson for his support for the US government in Vietnam but politicians like Tony Benn have built left reputations often on the basis of verbal support for liberation movements and against repressive regimes Such as the Pinochet junta in Chile.

The ability of the Zionists to win the more progressive wing of the Labour Party is a testations:

the most disgracetul argunent from their bag of deception is the charge that to be anti-Zionist is to be anti-semitic. The stand taken by the Labour Party in Dundee has forced this argument onto the streets.

On Sunday March 22 four hundred supporters of the Zionist Board of Deputies of British Jews held a protest rally in Dundee to demand the removal of the Palestinian flag.

They also blamed antisemitic slogans painted on synagogue walis in Dundee upon the twinning with Nablus-making the disgraceful charge that Palestinians are responsible for stoking anti-semitism.

The real disgrace was that the demonstiation was led by Greville Janner, a Labour MP.

Janner argued, "the desecration of the synagogue is connected with this (the flying of the flag) because when you twin a city with an organisation of terror and hang up its flag you are creating a climate hatred." • Clearly anti-semitic filth daubed on synagogue walls is the work of local fascists, and as such has been tirelessly attacked and disowned by the PLO, who have launched an international press campaign against the recent resurgence of anti-semitic activity throughout Europe.

We challenge Janner to deny that the PLO has consistently attacked antisemitism in the West. It is of course difficult to understand how anyone could equate the interests of fascist anti-semites with those of the PLO.

One wishes to drive Jews to Israel-whilst the other is opposed to increased Jewish immigration.

Janner displays a gymnastic ability so often found in the Zionist camp.

The purpose of this letter is to strongly urge that all socialists take this opportunity to raise the struggle of the Palestinians in their Labour Party wards, trades councils, and trade union branches.

The Zionist movement in Britain will turn all its attention to Dundee in an attempt to stamp out a focal point for the Palestinian resistance in this country.

The principled-stand taken by the Dundee Trade Union Friends of Palestine' and the Labour group must be defended and the gain extended. i The Labour Party has turned and a grass roots desire for socialist policies.

This left turn must be reflected in the policies of the Party against imperialist domination and aggression. Dundee's pro-Palestinian campaign led to the intervention of Alex Kitson at the annual conference of the Scottish Labour Party calling for the dropping of a Dundee resolution recognising the PLO as the sole representatives of the Palestinian people.

Kitson / will be leading a In conclusion we urge you to April, 1981 TE take up ine igne to wye Zionist racism out of the labour movement.

Letters and resolutions of support should be sent to Ernie Ross MP at the House of Commons and to George Galloway, 1 Ratteray Street, Dundee.

Defend the stand of the Dundee Labour Party for the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination.

Yours in solidarity, Barry Turner (for the Bradford Labour Movement Campaign for Palestinian Solidarity)

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ment to the sophistication and cunning of their misrepresenta-