Benn Protects

Scan page 1

BY THE EDITORIAL BOARD IN "GET BRILAIN OUT ATF The Labour Government's new proposed Industry Bill, which wou set up a National Enterprise Board run by Wedgewood Benn, has the objective of drawing the trade union bureaucracy right in to the inner workings of the board-room. The purpose of this is to hold back more effectively the coming struggles of the working class in defence of jobs, wages and conditions.

Written in to the legislation is provision for Benn to obtain an order for the opening of the books of selected firms to the accountants of the Enterprise Board and to selecter trade unionists - but this is only under conditions where, as the "Times said (Saturday 1st February): "A trade unionist who passes on anything he may have learnt about his company which happens to be subject to an order, may also find himself subject to criminal proceed ings."

OPEN THE BOOKS So, as the force of the demand begins to grow in the working class for the opening of the books of the big monopolies to the scrutiny of elected trade union committees, to expose the wheeling and dealing and profiteering which is today threatening thousands of jobs, the 'lefts' and the right wing join forces to legislate protection for business secrets, with the threat that: "under clause 26 any person who contravenes the confidentiality of information given to the Minister under an order is guilty of an offence carrying the possibility of up to 2 years imprisonment and an unlimited fine. There are no exceptions listed." ('Times' Feb 1st) Even under these stringent legal safeguards, the reformists are so hesitant over challenging board-room secrecy that they have written in an elaborate appeals procedure,tied to the Conciliation and Arbitration Service, which would enable the employers to remain silent if disclosure of facts to Benn could be judged "against the national interest.

€2,000m.

The main purpose of the Industry Bill, of course, is to continue the Labour government's policy of propping up flagging sections of British industry with state finance. €2,000 million is being made available to carry through what the Labourites term "a long term strategy for industry to allow the British people to rebuild our own industry upon which our future depends."

In other words the cuts in education and health spending and the increased taxes thrown on workers' backs by the Labour government are doing no more than providing a pool of cheap credit and subsidBenn ies to guarantee the profit margins of the employers. Also, at the baci of all government finance is now coming the threat - as to British Leyland workers - that if they do not accept rationalisation and speed-up the company will not be sustained by the government. Under these conditions, with the reformists slavishly defending a bankrupt capitalism, the ending of the 49% restriction on the state shareholding in a troubled company also contained in the Bill, means increased state underwriting for the profit-producing private sector - profit which goes straight into the pockets of the capitalist class. At the same time workers have their living standards slashed and face mass redundancies - the capitalists themselves take no risk whatsoever This concept of "nationalisation" is a complete fraud.

Certain sections of the capitalist class, already reconciled to the eventual need for an all-out struggle with the working class to increase the rate of exploitation, are now howling at Benn's measures, which they know will massively increase inflation, causing more problems for these employers and eroding any profits they succeed in making But this only reflects the divisions within British capitalism itself, which as a whole is poised on the brink of bankruptcy.

No such divisions appear within the ranks of the reformists, however; both 'left' and right are agreer on the need for state support for capitalism. Benn's devoted followers in the "Tribune' group, for instance, have issued a statement on the crisis in which they say that a massive £20,000 million must be invested in the coming period in British industry 'if there is to be any prospect of Britain achieving higher living standards."

REFORMISTS

This statement, together with the continuous references to 'our' indu stry, and long-term strategy' show: how completely these reformists have discarded any thought of a socialist answer to the crisis, and have become a left cover for the right wing. They will not challenge the existence of capitalism, and so end up putting proposals on how to run the system 'more efficiently Thus the "Tribune' statement expresses the capitalists' concern at the 'huge rise in the unit costs' , and from this reactionary standpoint approach the question of apparent ly opening the books: so that, in their view, "Everyone could know the true position of the companies in which they worked and join in key decisions, giving the greater confidence needed to understand and then overcome deep seated industrial troubles.' One thing is clear from the position of all these reformist leaders: they will not recognise that the fundamental "industrial trouble' is the inability of the bankrupt capit alist system to provide the workin class with a decent and improving standard of living. It is from this analysis of capitalism, from this class position, that the Workers Socialist League campaigns on the demands put forward in Trotsky's Transitional Programme for the opening of the books and the end of business secrets.

NATIONA LISE

In revealing to the working class the actual springs and cogs of capitalist economy, it brings out more clearly the need to end capitalism once and for all.

The WSL insists that no state cash is handed out to private industry.

That firms in financial difficulties must be forced to open their books to elected trade unionists, and if they are proved unable to sustain their workforce, they must be nationalised without compensation to the major share holders, and placed under workers management with a full programme of public works to guarantee employment. We therefore demand left MPs vote and campaign against the Industry Bill, and take up these socialist demands in its place. The Tory leadership crisis which has remained unresolved since the Heath governmert was brought down by the miners last February re-emerged on Tuesday in the firs* ballot of the Tory leadership elections.

The 130 votes for Thatcher again 119 for Heath, reflecting confusio and tactical manoeuvring of many Tories, sets the scene for the real battle in the next round on Tuesday February 11th.

As we go to press the contenders for the second ballot are Thatcher, Whitelaw, Prior and Du Cann. Keitl Joseph had not declared a position.

Reflecting all the divisions within the Ruling class itself the Tory Party has to tackle its requirements of leadership under conditions of the rapidly worsening economic crisis, the immediate prospect of mass unemployment and a working class strong and undefeated and prepared to defend its jobs and con ditions.

The threatened sacking of 1,40 workers at the Imperial Typewri ter plant in Hull and 1,000 at Le ester has not receded with talk of a "rescue" operation.

In a recent interview with the Hull Daily Mail the chairman of Litton Industries, of which IT is a subsidy said We will close on February 21st.* Faced with this situation workers are given no leadership from the trade union leaders - except to ask Benn for a feasibility study and organise a petition to Wilson.

The AUEW official Walter Joester commenting on the closure statement in the Hull paper said "There is no point in considering a worker take-over because it has been unprofitable for the last 7 or 8 years.

February 21st is drawing close. IT workers must demand an end to the futile protest actions and demand the occupation of the plants to fight for the nationalisation of Imperial Typewriters wit government contracts to keep the factories in operation.

----- pull-quotes -----

CRISIS IN LEADERSH

IMPERIAL WORKERS GIVEN NO LEA