[THE OLD GUARD DATES 'The Cultural Revolution has…]

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THE OLD GUARD DATES 'The Cultural Revolution has already been going on for 8 years. It is now time for things to quieten down.' " So proclaimed Chairman Mao in a wall poster in Peking in December.

The 4th National Peoples Congress, held under conditions of clandestinity, was staged in order not to allow the Chinese workers and peasants to decide their destiny but to confirm the most conservative section of the bureaucracy in power.

It was only after the event that foreign pressmen in Peking learned that the 2,864 delegates of the National Assembly had met in clos:

session on the 13th to 17th of January.

SECURITY

Careful security precautions ensured that the delegates were spared the distress of seeing possiblè antiparty elements - by being brought to the conference hall each day through specially built tunnels unde the streets of Peking!

In line with this withdrawal from the eyes of the workers, the Assembly changes the constitution to stængthen the dominance of the Party bureacracy and to centralise control in the permanent committer of the Peoples Assembly.

This acts as a warning to especially the young workers and the Red Guards that the days of struggling against the bureaucratic deformations of their revolution are being officially ended. Further struggles will be in conflict with the old guard.

DENOUNCED

The most obvious sigg of this consolidation of the 'Old Guard' is in the elevation of Teng Hsui-Ping to second-in-command to Premier Chou En-lai.

Teng, who is 71, was removed from all positions when he was denounced at the beginning of the Cultural Revo lution in 1966 as 'the Second Party man taking the Capitalist road' (The late Liu Shao-Chi was the first)

It is rumoured that he was sent to work on a farm in Inner Mongolia. He is now, after Mao and Chou, the most powerful man in the People's Republic.

The 88 year-old Chu Teh has remained the president of the Assembly; and Yeh Chien-ying, age 76, one of Mao's oldest political allies, has been appointed head of the arm All these proposals of the Central Committee of the Party were uzanimously adopted by the Assembly.

CONFERENCE OVERDUE

Of course, the bureaucracy have great difficulty curbing the revolutionary demands and aspirations of the young workers and peasants.

The fact that this Assembly was 5 years overdue indicates the difficulties the Party leadership were experi encing in holding back the Chinese masses.

Even in the constitutional changes they were forced to make some concessions; for example, guaranteeing the right to strike.

It is the youth above all that they fear and they know that Mao's death will strengthen them once more in the struggle for political revolution to overthrow the bureaucracy and defend and develop the Socialist gains of 1949.

For this struggle to be successful the revival of the Chinese section of the Fourth International will be an essential starting point.

The paper of the Italian Communist Party, Unita, in a special issue at the end of January commemorating the 54th anniversary of the party's founding in 1921, completely failed to mention the name of Antonio Gramsci - its own founde and a revolutionary comrade-in-arms of Lenin, who died in Mussolini's gaols.

This ludicrous omission symbolises the cynical and mealy-mouthed 'anti-fascist policy' of the Italian Stalinist and Socialist Party leaders in face of the renewed wave of terrorism from Mussolini's political descendants.

When two policemen were shot dead at Empoli (near Florence)

on January 24th by a young fasçist, the official leaders of the labour movement joined harmoniously in the chorus of protest from the 'democratic' capitalist parties, and called a 'general' strike on January 27th - of five minutes' duration!

On the same day the trial opened of a group of 13 fascists accused in connexion with the series of bombings which culminated in the death of 17 people when a Milan bank was blown up in December 1969, at the height of a wave of unofficial strikes in northern Italy.

The fascists have been brought to trial only after strenuous efforts from within the police and judiciary to pin the blame on anarchist Pietro Valpreda and his comrades.

On both political and economic issues the Italian labour 'leaders' continually fritter away the energies and unity of the trade unions - on token national strikes of a few hours, and by dividing the struggle up industry by industry STALINIST COMPROMISE This policy is part and parcel of the Italian Communist Party' strategy of an 'historic compromise' - entry into a coalition government with the Socialist Party and the Christian Democrats, Italy's largest capitalist These popular front policies carry the greatest dangers for the Italian and European working class. The capitalist politicians, feeling the political situation slip ping out of their control, are deeply split among themselves.

While Fanfani, Christian Democrat party secretary, launched a campaign last month to rally his faction-riven party behind a rightwing 'law and order' campaign, other groupings are insisting on the need to deal with the working class through an 'understanding' with the labour bureaucrats, including the Stalinists.

They are anxious not to jeopardise the Socialist Party support in parliament which props up Prime Minister Aído Moro's coalition SCANDALS On top of the economic crisis (prices rose by 25 per cent in 1974), leading figures in the political parties and the state apparatus face a complex of scandals of Watergate proportions.

Fascist deputies in parliament failed last month to block a parliamentary investigation into the Military Intelligence Services (SID) Enquiries centre on SID's role in their complicity in the bombing of an express train near Bologna, (a Communist Party stronghold) early in 1274, and in the 1969 bombings.

And this is not all. Parliamentary enquiries also continue into allegations of massive corruption by Christian Democrat ministers involved in state finance of the petrochemical industries.

Soldier in Lisbon

Three workers were injured on January 17th when they sat in the road to stop scab lorries at the Buda textile factory, near Toulouse in south-west France.

Only their action stopped man agement bailiffs, armed with legal writs, removing valuable stock and equipment from the factory, threatened with closure since early 1974.

Ever since the workers decided to fight closure and sackings with an occupation - in August 1974 - support has grown from trades unionists and workers in the Toulouse area and beyond.

It is this which siopped the employers from using police strength to break the struggle.

Following the occupation of the LIP watch factory last year, Buda - though only a small plant of 60 workers - has become an example for the fight against unemployment the whole of France.

Cairo Airport is this month the bus-stop of world politics. Follow ing Egyptian President Sadat's return at the end of January from his weapons-buying visit to France came the announced 'courtesy trip by Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko.

Immediately following him, US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger is due on yet another whistle-stop 'peace' tour of the Meanwhile the politicians of thi (mainly Arab) oil-producing states prepare to reassemble at a summit conference in Algiers on February 21st.

ARAB MASSES Behind the comings and goings lies not simply the price of oil in the inflationary crisis which now grips the whole capitalist system, but the inability of even the most reactionary cloak-anddagger diplomacy to contain the revolutionary movement of the Arab masses.

Ford, Kissinger, Gromyko and the Middle East politicians all know that the peoples of the Middle East will not stand peace ably by while the Palestinian homelands are signed away to Isreal, the creation of imperialism and the direct agent of the United States.

Any American attempt to occupy the oil fields or bring direct military intervention to bear will be fought to the deat creating a confrontation which would dwarf the Vietnam War The world crisis has split the capitalist states more deeply than ever before over the MidSTALINISTS HOLD BACK MASS MOVEMENT Capitalism in Portugal is tottering. Its main support now comes from the coalition of Stalinists and Social Democrats in the prov. isional regime set up after the ove throw of Caetano's fascist dictatorship last April.

Freed after decades of fascist repression, the political energies of the working class and poor farmers have thrown up hundreds oi local organisations holding real power.

Ruling class hopes centre on the elections to a capitalist Constitment Assembly. now scheduled for early April.

While the situation cries out for socialist policies to bring together and strengthen the independent bodies of the working class, the Stalinist leaders complacently fall in with social-democratic foreign Minister Soare's plans for a capitalist government, and support the armed forces remaining in it. Lisbon printworkers, in stopping the production of a newspaper not cleariy opposed to fascism, showed their resistance to such class-collaboration. So did the Maoist students and the workers who stopped the congress of the extreme right-wing Catholic Centre Democratic Party in Oport on January 25th.So did those who marched on the streets of Lisbon on January 31st in defiance of the tanks sent out by agreement between Stalinists and Social-Democratic leaders.

Both Soares and Communist Party leader Cunhal use the threats of foreign invasion in their attempt to hold back the mass movement.

Yet the threat is a real one. Massive NATO manoevres at the end of January concentrated 11,000 men off the Portuguese coast in an exercise ominously named 'Locked Gate 75'.

But the imposition of a capitalist parliament and its laws on the hundreds of workers', peasants, and tenants' committees already set up and functioning can only help the plans which are undoubtedly being hatched by the CIA and others to impose military dictatorship once more.

Cunhal

de East.

In 1956 the US opposed the French, British and Isreali attack on Suez.

Even now, whilst sections of the American bourgeoisie make Threatening noises of war towards the Arab states, the US concludes a massive arms deal with Saudi Arabia, selling them lighter planes which could obviously be used against US intervention.

At the same time France agrees to sell 'Mirage' fighters to Egypt. Yet as an Al Fatah spokesman revealed in January, American missile systems and 'technicians' are already in place near some of the Saudi Arabian oil-wells.

NEW PHASE IN THE IRISH The betrayals of the Labour Government can be seen clearly in its policy on Ireland. It was the Labour lead ers who first sent British troops to the North as part of their desperate efforts to maintain the six-county statelet in existence.

They are planning every day with all their 'token gestures' and special 'assemblies' to find an effective way of maintaining the power of imperialism in Ireland, and propping up her native landlords and capitalists.

In the Irish Republic, the coalition government, which currently includes members of the Irish Labour Party, is also consistently hostile to the struggle for national freedom and independence.

This can be seen most dramatically by the refusal of the Irish government to negotiate political status for the Provisional Republican prisoners currently on hunger strike in Portlaoise Prison.

IRISH INDEPENDENCE There must be no hesitation in the British working class movemen in asserting that we are at an important turning point in the centuries old struggle for Irish freedom and national independence.

This is the case however much the capitalist media build up anti-Irish chauvinism on the basis of hastily attributed bombings, or to whatever extent Orange workers in the North of Ireland are deceived into kissing the chains of slavery imposed upon them by their local Orange masters.

In the difficult situation which the hysteria of the capitalist press and broadcasting media has created for us, it is essential that here in Britain we should fight through out the working class movement for the immediate withdrawal of British troops from Ireland, and for the independence and self-determination of Britain's oldest celonial possession.

At the same time the single-issue protest of the "Troops out Movement' offers only a latter day reapperance of the old Irish Solidarity Campaign, Anti-intern ment League, and though on a different level, the old Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.

Before rushing in to joint action with the motley grouping of 'lefts' , liberals, and revisionist groups in the Troops out Movement, workers should ask what happened to these other movements, and why did they disappear as quickly as they arose?

The reason is that they were only constituted on the most lim ited and opportunist basis, and as soon as simple protest proved ineffective to force change, the question of political policy and perspective arose and spiit the bogus 'unity' down the middle. We do not necessarily reject wo: in mass protest movements but we would do such work only under conditions where we could freely criticise the other tendencies involved.

Only where there is a firm fight for principle can any lessons be learned by those involved in such movements, and the major principle is the political independence of the revolutionary party.

MARXISM OR TERRORISM We recognise that the Provisional IRA are revolutionists acting on behalf of an oppressed people and entitled to pursue their aims in whatever way they think fit. As Marxists and revolutionary socialists we do not support either the terrorist means or the pro-capitalist political aims of the Prov isionals.

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to the Pleadership Werever was formed in the past under continued from previous page We agree with Engels, who as long ago as 1861, ridiculed 'the idea of liberating Ireland by setting a London tailors shop on fire' Individual heroism, however forceful, can achieve nothing without a programme to fight to rid Ire land of landiords and capitalists who tie her to imperialist rule. Thus the latest phase of the Provisionals ' bombing campaign will not further the essential aim of winning the support of English workers for the withdrawal of British troops and for Irish self-determination.

Such methods have since turned away from the need to find à roar to the Protestant working class of the six counties. It is only under the leadership of the working class that national reunification and independence will be achieved.

'NEW PARTY' Recent developments within the Republican movement have emph asised the sharpness of the polit-i ical problems facing the independence struggle.

The official Sinn Fein have long since given up any pretensions to militancy or to socialist aims other than in the long term.

As a result, a group known as the Irish Socialist Republican Party has been formed through a split in their ranks.

This new organisation has expre ssed itself opposed to 'foreign ideology' , and continues to argue for socialist policies as 'our long term aim' Like all such centrist formations however hard the ISRP puts forward propaganda for socialism, it will be unable to achieve anything without revolutionary theory, even if it will have to thank non-Irish men for this.

Above all this theory will have to be fought for in the struggle for leadership in the working dass. In our epoch, only the building ai the Fourth International can prepare such a leadership.

At the time of writing, it seems that the Provisionals may also be rent with internal dissension and division, particularly on the issue ruary, ORSCf Bar newesh in his "Workers Press", a new depth in hack iournalism with their «Com. ment" section of January 18th A piece by Jack Gale sweats and heaves to try and establish that there is a connection between the Workers Socialist Leagu and, of all people, the "Tribune' group of fake lefts!

Naturally Gale can find no evidence to go on and is forced to tear out of context the short cynical statement in 'Tribune' of January 17th (reproduced here in full).

Gále claims 'Tribune' "has suddenly become very keen on defending one particular shop steward - Mr. 'Alan Thornett." He goes on to say " 'Tribune' is now solidly behind Thornett, having never had a kind word for him before, for the sole reason that he is in opposition to the Workers Revolutionary Party and has formed his own organisation."

Readers are invited to judge for themselves whether such a snippet in "Tribune' constitutes 'solid' support.

"ALONGSIDE this confusion goes the opportunism of the Workers Revolutionary Party. Only three weeks ago, Workers Press was denouncing the lobby (of the House of Commons in favour of the release of the two Shrew= bury pickets) as an obsceni circus of protest' Yet, having done not a thing to detend Warren and Tomlinson, anc finding themselves isolated from the mass movement for this Sensitive to hard facts, however Gale reacts also to the correct charge made by the WSL that until the recent period the WRP had "done not a thing to defend Warren and Tomlinson", In answer he refers to the evasions of a previous Workers Press, where half a page of print was devoted to creating the illusion that the WRP had always been in the for front of the struggle to free the pickets, and avoiding the fact that on December 20th Workers Press denounced the TUC lobby of Parliament as an "obscene circus of protest"

BLUSTER

The bluster and the attempt brand the WSL as 'Tribunite' conceals the real opportunism the WRP itselt.

It appeared on the TUC lobby not as the independent revolutionary party, but subordinated to an opportunist relationship with the "Wigan Builders Action Committee" , which resulted in WRP members giving out a nonpolitical leaflet which did not even call for a General Strike to release the two!

Further, it set aside the vital struggle to expose the fake lefts by demanding they fight in the Labour Party to remove Jenkins.

Only the WSL put forward these vital points of programme in their leaflet. Gale's article is ¡a desperate attempt to cover the: WRP's political bankruptcy:

last nounced 'unequivocal support' for this 'obscene circus, and participates in it."

Who wrote that? Why none other than that jewel in the crown of the Workers Revolutionary Party, Alan Thornett, about the one shop steward which that part of the Trotsky. ite movement actually had. He, if you may remember, played a not negligible part in some of! the disputes at Cowley, Oxford Mr Thornett it appears has now been expelled from the WRP and has , formed his own Workers' Socialist League. In a paflet handed out in London this week, Mr Thornett says he was "expelled for fighting against that. Party's sectarian positions Will Vanessa RedBrave, be rext? MOVE TO THE RIGHT IN AUEW ELECTIONS The results of the AUEW elections represent some important changes which must be analysed.

In the first round of the vote for General Secretary Bob Wright the Broad Left candidate received 42,388 votes as against 89,514 for extreme right winger John Boyd. In the ballot for the three National Organiser positions, the Broad Left's candidate Phil Higgs lost to a right-winger, and Len Brindle and Cyril Morton (all members of the Communist Party were knocked out in the first round. In the vote for Divisional Organiser in the Reading, South ampton and Basingstoke area Pat Farrelly, a C.P. member, lost the position he had held for years.

SOCIAL CONTRACT It is clear from this that the right wing is organising strongly using the rule change which ser ballots to workers homes rathe than votes in branches. 'This does not mean simply a return to "Carron's Law" and compromise of the 'boom' period but a leadership dedicated to collaboration with the social contract and directly assisting capitalism and its attacks on the working class.

The leadership of the 'Broad Left' is in the control of the CP and is entirely devoted to their policy of boosting Scanlon Wright and the so-called left.

This means they have taken a whole series of unprincipled positions, particularly as Scanion has been forced further to the right.

PIgE VACILLATION After the victory against the Industrial Relations Court they were responsible for withdrawin the TASS resolution against the Social contract at the TUC Congress. The man who carried this out waş leading Stalinist Ken Gill.

Such vacillations have without doubt strengthened the right wing.

The high vote for Lawrie Smitl ex-member of the WRP, whose election address was full of vague left positions shows that if candidates with a record in the union and with a principled programme had stood then the vote could have been different.

The Stalinists obviously realise that Smith has now been 'tamed' because they are now calling for a vote for him in the second ballot.

The WRP, engrossed in their General Election campaign missed the chance to stand in these elections and of testing the reaction to their policies.

The revisionists of the IS, having supported Broad Left for years, now say what is required is a "genuine rank and file movement in the union so the member will control the officials they support instead of the officials controlling the members".

This reactionary rank and fileism lead them to support the principle of ballots to homes, the tactic introduced by the right wing.

Whilst opposing ballots in home of course support the "left" candidates in the next round of the ballot in order to expose them in action. But the real task remains that of building the revolutionary party as an alter. native leadership to the reformists.

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a series of fascist conspiracies for a coup d'etat in the last ten years,

OBSCENE OF LIES

TROTS IN TROU

AN AUEW MEMBER