Workers Socialist League

Socialist Press, Trotskyism Today and the Trotskyist International Liaison Committee, 1975–1984

[The scars on Mrs. Jean 'aton of her…]

Socialist Press no. 102, 31 May 1978 · scan pp. 5–8 · about 3,032 words

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The scars on Mrs. Jean 'aton of her public abortion nay well last the rest of her ife.

Thrown against her will into he centre of a press campaign he has been pinned up on sublic exhibition, humiliated ind condemned.

She has indeed, as she said ifter the Liverpool High Court uling, been used as a pawn. The inly question is exactly what lame is being played.

The anti-abortion lobby is ›acked by nearly all sections of he press-either explicitly or vith nudges and hints about the sendulum having "swung too ar"

But it would be a mistake • see Mrs Paton's page one tatus solely as an expression of inti-abortion sentiment.

The threat that abortion on lemand poses to the family, ind the threat that the weakenng of the family poses to capitlism are the ultimate dangers hat the 'family' papers defend.

The Daily Express for example-in sharp contrast to its gutter rivals-actually defended abortion rights in its page 10 editorial:

"The law must always keep in step with contemporary morality. The right of a woman to choose is now widely accepted in practice, and the law now backs up this general conviction.

"A great number of women have been spared a great deal of heartache because of the court's decision"

Perhaps one in twenty of their readers will have read that. Twenty out of 20 will have read the lead story, 'Wife takes final step"-the second and third paragraphs of which read:

"Bill Paton said he would appeal against the finding that a man has no rights over the life of his unborn child.

"And he will still go ahead with that, said his. mother, Mrs Joan Paton, to help other fathers. She added: We were shocked to hear about the operation. It is murder"

So not only is the two month old foetus unequivocally given the SPUC title of "unborn child", but the grandmother's rights are added to the father's in an attempt to tip the scales against Mrs. Paton.

The story later included this gem of loaded reporting:

"All through the case-and at the end the foetus within her was three* hours older-Mrs. Paton wept quietly, never once raising her head #o the legal arguments"

If the father were given the right of consultation; says the Daily Mail:

... some doctors might be less inclined to treat the granting of permission to terminate pregnancy as a formality.

"Here, transcending the

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SOCIALIST PRESS. Redresia: E1 Ma: 19-8 1652 Act of Settlement for Ireland transfers Irish 1655 Royalist uprising followed by rule of Major Cromwell dies. Son Richard succeeds him.

Presbyterian-Royalist revolt defeated by army.

General Monck marches to London to restore monarchy. Rump recalled and dissolves itself.

New Parliament accepts Charles II's Declaration 1670 Charles II signs secret Treaty of paved the way to Many Ca holics purged during hysteria 'Popish Plot' invented by the charlatan 1685 Charles I| dies-proclaiming himself a Roman Catholic on his deathbed. James II succeeds Monmouth rebellion crushed at Sedgemoor.

parliamentary traditions Followed by Judge Jeffrey's Bloody Assizes.

James grants Declaration of IndulgenceJames issues another Declaration of Indulgence.

An invitation is sent by James opponents, including erstwhile allies, to William of Orange PART FOUR by Mark Hyd James' efforts to hold power fail. William takes over and James spends his last years in exile.

Finally defeated two years later at Battle of the The Navy was built up as the instrument for the expansion of the new bourgeois order cotton mill-part the industrial revolution op One of the movements thrown up by the English bourgeois revolution was the Diggers.

Led by Winstanley; the Diggers shared the view that wage labourers weré unfree, but they drew a distinctive conclusion -freedom through the abolition of wage labour.

Winstanley's followers (who were pacifists) rejected the legal restraints laid down by their masters.

Sharing an early conception of the labour theory of value they sought to put an end to exploitation through instituting common'ownership.

Scarcity

Though doomed from the outset, as would be any notion of communism based on scarcity and a low level of productive forces, the Digger movement is an important indicator of the far-reaching character of the English Revolution which threw up forces which were, in certain senses, dramatically in advance of their time.

In such a revolutionary epoch, it is not hard to imagine how men who thought of politics in religious terms believed that they were on the verge of Christ's Second Coming itself.

Indeed one Ludewick Muggleton thought that he was the Messiah.

Others like the Fifth Monarchy men saw their task as a violent uprising that would prepare Christ's rule.

Desperate The sects activities became increasingly more hysterical and desperate after the failure of the Leveller movement.

Cromwell suppressed them. The small men (and a good number of women who believed that they had found a road out of oppression in the sects) were in some ways an inspiration, in others a pitiful and sorry casualty of developing capitalism and the bourgeois All were necessarily swept away by the might of Cromwell who expressed the historical mission of the only possible progressive society of the day-the new bourgeois order.

Ruthless

Like all revolutionary movements, Cromwell's could survive only by ruthless dictatorship over his class enemies.

Cromwell The expansion of English capitalism to Ireland had bloody consequences-that remain with us to this daybut the bourgeois historians who portray Cromwell as a mere tyrant simply cannot face the real origins of their own system.

Only Marxism can appreciate Cromwell's worth.

. In fact (as with the Russia of Lenin and Trotsky) Cromwell's rule saw a great spread of toleration and creativity in arts and science.

New popular styles in art and literature remain in the works ryden Marvell.

The poet Milton was appointed as a public servant paid by the state. • Petty, who had worked for Cromwell as a surveyor in Ireland, founded modern statistics; Boyle modern chemistry.

Science

Discovery forged ahead in sciences like astronomy. The scientific methods of Francis Bacon-of enquiry and research in place of mysticism and obscurantism -came into their own.

The architecture of Wren and the philosophy of John Locke would have both been impossible without the Ironsides of Cromwell.

The notion of Cromwell's England filled with bigotry and fear is a shallow myth borne of the conservative mind. Quite the opposite was the case.

Republic Restoration. and The Cromwellian republic carried out a revolution in bitter conflict with the conservative reactionary forces that opposed it.

To Royalists, Cromwell's social base and the new rulers were unbelievable upstarts. One described them as "most sordid men and of the vilest condition"

Cromwell, of course, had to balance carefully between the contradictory forces at work.

The frequent changes of government, and the fact that the King was finally restored in 1660, reflects the precarious instability of the young bourgeois dictatorship.

Frightened The Rump Long Parliament, full of frightened gentlemen, proved incapable of serious action.

Cromwell's army dispersed it.

Cromwell was present for the occasion, scornfully pouring abuse on the MPs as they scurried out of the chamber.

The 'legal' Parliament was no more. But the next experiment faired no better in the long run.

Barebones' Parliament, (named after Praise-God 1657 1658 1659 1660 1673 1678 Act of Settlement for Ireland land to London merchants.

War with Dutch breaks out.

Cromwell expels Rump of Long l Barebone's Parliament convenec before end of year.

Peace made with Dutch.

Cromwell calls new Parliament. Royalist uprising followed by Generals.

Humble Petition and advice presented.

of Breda. Charles returns to England.

1661 Cavalier Parliament meets. Cavalier Parliament meets.

Charles Il signs secret Treaty Third Dutch War begins.

Oates.

Charles II dies-proclaiming himself Catholic on his deathbed. James I| him.

primarily to give freedom to Catholics.

to invade England and take over.

Boyne (1690).

Barbon-one of its carefully selected members) was dissolved as a result of the manoeuvres of wealthier gentry and merchant members, frightened by its revolutionary programme.

The conflict between the army and the most conservative elements in the bourgeoisie remained.

A new army plan of compromise-the Instrument of Government-fell through, and it is probable that in 1655 Cromwell was only too pleased to be able to instituté military ruleusing a minor Royalist revolt as an excuse.

Carried through The rule of Cromwell's Major Generals, based on military discipline, had a more decisive outlook than any previous attempts.

They carried out measures of the bourgeois revolution that the bourgeoisie "proper were too timid to enact while the men of property wanted to consolidate what had been won, and avoid further risk.

Opposition to the Major Generals came from former revolutionary bastions.

The history of experiments. in government in Cromwell's time are exceedingly complex.

But the predominant trend is the longing tor stability by the main body of wealthy merchants and gentry.

They wanted the revol'arliament. but dissolved Dover with over Titus ution to stop. They feared revolutionary . dictatorship, which took power. out of their direct control, as much as they had hated the dictatorship of Charles Craving for The fact that the bourgeoisie even beseeched Cromwell to become King in 1657 expressed the craving for order, for a link -however tenuous-with traditional institutions.

The new ruling class felt uncomfortable, exposed-it only awaited an opportunity to cloak itself in the garments of the past.

While Cromwell lived, the instability of the situation was overshadowed by his enormous revolutionary strength and authority.

In his person he brought together the continuity and dynamism of the revolution. But his death in 1658 opened the road for the restoration of the King.

The bourgeoisie instantly sacrificed a few political and religious ideals for a guarantee of order.

Charles Il returned in 1660. The conservative elements, spearheaded by General Monck, broke the resistance of the loyal Cromwellians in the army.

Rallying point

Charles was be the rallying point against further disorders. As if nothing had happened, the Rump of the old Long

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technological and scientific advance that had until then Depiction of Cromwell trampling on error and faction play -the enterprising bour- power by the English Revolgeois had almost unrestric- ution thus assisted the rise ted opportunity to accum-. of capitalism.

On the land, Royalist stifled and stunted it. The and Church estates had been full flowering of the confiscated -a huge over- industrial capitalist system Conditions of child labour in the industrial revolution Parliament was recalled.

In what followed, bourgeois historians have seen the end of the revolution. The very name 'Restoration' implies a total reversal of the revolutionary process. This of course did not happen.

Cromwell's corpse was dug up and defiled. A few revolutionaries were tortured and disembowelled.

The state church was secured again, as was the payment of feudal tithe taxes to it. But the essential content of the revolution was irreversible.

Charles II (though he was no. doubt not always entirely aware of it himself, presided over a completely different society to that of his father He could not help but compromise with the new bourgeois ruling class.

. England had witnessed a social transformation. In industry the supervision of quality, prices and the stranglehold of monopolies had been put aside.

The regulation of wages was swept away, as was the obligation of employers to ned up by the 1640 revolution keep on labour. geoisie.

Capital now had free ulate and expand.

27Dturn in land ownership.

Even those men who were able to buy back their lands for heavy fines to the revolutionary regime, were compelled to investigate and employ the techniques of the bourgoisie in order to win back their losses.

The poor tenant, who had had guaranteed security in feudal society, faced eviction now if it was economically advantageous to his landlord.

Restrictions against the enclosure of land were beaten down, and forest lands turned over to cultivation.

The rate of interest was lowered to give a boost to economic development. The prospects for expansion were unprecedented.

Colonial expansion moved forward apace. Links with overseas colonies were firmly established and the government took the first serious steps on the road to capitalist protection and trade war--a vital stage in the accumulation of capital: Colonies were forbidden to trade with foreign powers. The Navigation Acts placed heavy restrictions on the trading of the Dutch-England's main competitor. • At the same time the navy was built up for the defence and extension of overseas domination.

Taxes 4.

The landed classes, on the one hand, and the poor on the other, paid heavily in taxes to finance the expansive foreign policy generated by the avaricious appetites of the rising bourThe regime brought to The old regime had and the modern working class were still decades into the future-but they were inevitable.

The breakthroughs made for the advance ot capitalism were preserved even through the Restoration.

1660 saw a political not a social counterrevolution. The government made no attempt to reintroduce the old practices which had strangled economic development.

Rather the system of taxation introduced under Cromwell remained in all its essential features.

The desperate attempts of the old Royalists to retrieve their estates did not hold back agricultural advance, and the government continued, through means like the Navigation Acts, to cast a benevolent eye over the interests of capitalist trading.

Of course 1660 did not signify the end of the turmoil and tension.

The period of Charles Il's rule increasingly reflected the uneasy balance of forces which existed.

The old Presbyterlan merchants, gentry and their allies could not but feel unease at Charles Il's thinly disguised sympathy for Roman Catholicism and the favours of reactionary The Whig faction, which reflected this interest, was even prepared to do a certain amount of rabbleraising against 'Popery' amongst the excitable London mob.

In founding the 'Green Ribbon Club' the Whigs were even willing to push forward the old colours of Levellerism and radicalism, stirring old revolutionary memories.

United by property But there was not to be another revolutionary outbreak. Far more existed to unite the Whigs with Charles and his Tory' gentry supporters than divided them.

When the openly Catholic James II came to the throne in 1685 the great bulk of Whigs would not support the attempt of Monmouth (one of Charles Il's illegitimate offspring) to overthrow him.

Even the 'radical' opposition preferred to witness the barbarous treatment of the rebels at Judge Jeffrey's Bloody Assizes rather than face the prospect of another The revolution gave . technological and sci been held back.

violent revolutionary storm.

James II was removed in 1688-but only when his complete reactionary disdain for all opposition drove even the Tory gentry into a position of hostility.

Surrounded by arch-reactionaries, James set upon a course of systematically destroying the power of the class which had ruled since Cromwell's revolution.

The bourgeoisie were prepared to fight him-but not with the weapons of the 1640s.

There were to be no more New Model Armies, no more radical sects, no more riotous mobs.

Protestant

Only when the good Protestant Dutchman, William of Orange was prepared to invade England on the bourgeoisie's behalf-on a pledge of. order and security-were James' opponents ready to oust him.

When James was captured this was , regarded as a disaster-the trial of a King had revolutionary implications.

It was necessary to arrange his escape to complete the bloodless farce which bourgeois historians have called the 'Glorious The Revolutionary Heritage.

1688 was nevertheless. an economic and political burning point which consolidated the power of the bourgeoisie.

This consolidation was vital for the process of gradual accumulation that would, in a matter of decades, bring the Industrial Revolution and the full flowering of modern capitalism.

Poor But 1688 was a poor cousin of 1649-and thoroughly dependent upon it. It is necessary to see the separate 'stages' of the bourgeois revolution in their interconnection.

The birth of a new social order was a painful and long drawn out process with forward movements and retreats, a permanent state of flux.

Only the Marxist method of analysing historical development can uncover the complex relations between the apparently 'gradual' periods of society's "evolution', and the rapid revolutionary leaps that ih imper tus to innov tio ind adva nce that had unl the decide its course.

As has been noted, the bourgeois revolution was anything but a conscious process for its participants.

Trotsky quoted from Guizot the point that:

"When the time came for the drawing of the sword all were astonished and deeply moved"

. But this fact in no way diminishes the significance of the English Revolutionnot only as a field of study and testing ground for the historical materialist method-but for the drawing of concrete lessons for the working class.

For though it could not understand its own historic role, the bourgeoisie, the most cultured, educated and economically powerful class, could not have carried out a single revolutionary act without a resolute revolutionary leadership prepared to mobilise the great subjugated masses in its struggle for power. Permanent revolution Even in the first days of capitalism, then, were contained the seeds of what Trotsky in the 20th century called 'permanent revol ution'.

The followers of Cromwell whatever their subjective intentions in 1640, demonstrated that decisive historical changes are brought about by arms, not words, and that at each stage the forces of reaction must be forcibly dislodged from their fortified positions.

Cromwell saw that the question 'who rules?' was a political and military one, that could not be settled by debates on the merits of the Divine Right of Kings.

It is for this reason that the bourgeoisie and its reformist lackeys can only assimilate the odd impression from this period The legacy of Parliamentarianism, religious mystification and bourgeois conservatism lives on through the Labour bureaucracy today.

But the great traditions of revolutionary determination and contempt for a decaying order can only live on through Trotskyism which will guide the future 'Roundheads' of the proletarian revolution.

Concluded

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Forward to tl The political, organisational and financial bankruptcy that have lurked behind the grandiose facade presented by the sectarian International Spartacist Tendency are all openly revealed this week in the announcement that the IST weekly paper Workers

← Contents of Socialist Press no. 102, 31 May 1978