Garners conference unites left' and right

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orshall YOUR AT MAN AT THE TOP THE Thursday in Transport House.

Reconvened as a decision of the initial conference on April 13, where a succession of left' TGWU officials, most prominently Eric Rechnits of the Regional Committee and Brian Nicholson from the Executive Council, had pledged. . themselves to a fight to the finish, the meeting brought scenes of anti-bureaucratic feeling unfamiliar, if not unknown, to the TGWU leaders' shrine in Smith Square.

Absent

With Rechnitz and Nicholson both eloquently absent, it was not possible to settle matters with all of those who during the ensuing two months have expected the strikers to exist on a diet of rhetoric.

But in that category, those who did turn up were left in no doubt that the strike is far from finished despite their efforts. arners pickets: Shorter argues one or .. 07... 0Un The conference itself provided an almost classic line-up of political tendencies active in the workers' movement with the Stalinists of the Communist Party prominent in their usual role of shielding the right wing.

Conscious force

The conference also saw the growing emergence of a conscious force within the strike leadership fighting to turn to the mobilisation of the working class and not to allow the bureaucrats for one minute to get off the hook by left phrases or vague promises which will not be carried out.

The statement from the strike committee chairman presented to the conference contained many important points arising from the experience of the strike and the discussions of the committee but avoided centring on the TGWU leadership's sabotage and put forward tWI the strike committee policies only a watered down form.

On funds, the document called on "the Regional Committee to institute a voluntary levy on all members in Region 1"

Some big factories in Region 1 like Fords and Vauxhalls had already been approached, but similar efforts should be made in branches, workplaces and other unions.

The report ended lamely with a call for a day of action though only with a poster parade.

Those who were 'randomly selected' from the speakers slips in the first part of the meeting were of two types.

Irrelevance

Firstly there were the ultra-lefts including at least two WRP supporters, who called variously for general strike action to bring down the government, a national delegate conference to deal with all attacks on democracy, and other vague demands of mindbogling irrelevance.

Secondly there were some speakers who called in various ways for the strike to be stepped up.

Thus Chris Wright of Westminster Trades Council wanted to build up the mass picket to 20,000 to block the West End.

Richard Davis, also from that Trades Council and active on the support committee, spoke of the need to extend blacking.

Previous strikes

Frank Dowling of ASTMS Region 15 brought the conference alive for the first time by refering to previous strikes in the catering industry directed against Trust Houses Forte and in particular to the role of the TGWU leadership.

WHY O'FISHALL, YOU LOOK VERY WORRIED - IS IT THE GARNERS' CONFERENCE? aLOOr ... EACH ONE OF THEM MADE DEMANDS ON US...

STRIKE BLACKINT Dromey This firm had been blacked by his union with the greatest of difficulty, and then they discovered that the TGWU rest home at Eastbourne was serviced by a THF subsidiary!

Dowling doubted, he said, the will of the TGWU leaders to win this strike.

As if to confirm this, the newly appointed Regional Secretary of the IGWU, Les Shorter, then arrived to speak.

His speech which drew an angry response from the majority of delegates, provided the turning point of the conference.

'Left' credentials Shorter began by trying to establish his 'left' credentials with a favourable reference to the Morning Star.

He went on to say that he didn't intend to criticise the trade union leaders, but instead criticised the members, whom he said he had been trying to get to picket with limited success.

In fact, Shorter, along with • his fellow Regional officials has studiously avoided any appeal to the union's 500,000 London membership.

The scant TGWU delegations to conferences, picket lines and demonstrations show that beyond any doubt.

As if to justify his inaction and. in open defiance of the strike committee's policies, he went on to say that it wr uld be best to avoid confron tations, and RIGHT! SOME BRIGHT SPARK IS BOUND TO RAISE OUR RECORD OF TRADE UNION RECOGNITION DISPUTES...

IF ANYONE IS ALLOWED TO BRING THESE UP, WELL BE LEFT NAKED! THERE MUST BE SOMEONE WILL DEFEND Durkin anyway pickets of one or two could be better than larger turn-outs!

This statement justifiably enraged many people in the audience, a number of whom had been arrested in the fight back against management and police harrassment.

When Shorter went on to say that he intended to meet the pulice about the agreement to limit the picket to six' there were shouts from all sides that no agreement had been or should be made along these lines.

By this time when 'Judas' was one of the milder epithets being shouted at Shorter, and with full-time official George Abrahams calling for the meeting to be closed, strike committee chairman Habib Rahman was forced to intervene in the meeting to defend Shorter and to say that he wanted to hear what the leaders would do to help them.

Entirely consistent

Rahman's intervention, though no doubt a surprise to the many who have acclaimed him for his 'rousing' speeches at various gatherings over the last five months, was in fact entirely consistent with his role within the strike leadership.

Together with other "lefts' around the strike, he has continually covered up for the right wing though passing in public for the strike's militant face.

WHO us/...

On this occasion he was drawn out into the open for the first time and though successful in diverting the growing hostility away from Shorter it was done only at the expense of showing his real position in relation to the right wing.

Manuel Blanco, another member of the strike committee, spoke after Shorter and drew the warmest applause of the evening.

In a strong contribution he sharply distanced himself from Rahman, saying he did not agree that the TGWU leaders were doing enough, and emphasised the strike committee policies of mass picketing, extended blacking and a union organised regional levy.

He called for the day of action on 22 July to be accompanied by mass picketing and strike action throughout the IGWU Region 1 hotel and catering membership.

Chairman Alviro Miranda would not allow these proposals to be voted on in the conference.

Tom Durkin of the Brent Trades Council performed his usual role of trying to pull the conference away from this by windy rhetoric.

In his best Grunwick tradition, he congratulated the strikers, called on them to be bold' , and asked for 'more money' and "bigger pickets' to win the strike.

Everyone could agree with promises like these, which have been made and broken every day of this 21 week strike. • Durkin's colleague Jack Dromey also confined himself to moral exhortations and to telling us that we can't write off the leaders of the trade union movement', and then putting forward nothing whatever to win the strike.

•Dromey was in complete harmony with Shorter in ignoring the strike committee's calls for mass picketing and the levy, taking away all the fire on the leaders of the union and instead calling simply for more effort from the strikers and their supporters.

Confirming the danger of Dromey's line, ASTMS delegate Colin Kenny got up in the dying minutes of the conference to ask Shorter if he would fight on the Regional Committee for a levy. Appropriately, Shorter refused to commit himself even to argue in favour of it.

FOR EXAMPLE... 3 TRUST HOUSE HOTELS, DESOUTTERS, CLARIDGES GRUNWICKS, OF COURSE...

RIGHT ON TIME

AS USUAL!

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