Workers Socialist League

Socialist Press, Trotskyism Today and the Trotskyist International Liaison Committee, 1975–1984

T&g Must Reject Contract

Socialist Press no. 11, 26 June 1975 · scan p. 8 · about 972 words

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The removal of Benn from lowed rapidly by talk of amendments to the Industry Bill which Benn had been steering through the Commor Even before his removal Benn had hinted at the possibility of a second White Paper being published to 'clarify' the bill's provisions, and over the last week, despite evasive talk by Varley, Benn's replacement, it seems clear that Wilson is determined to amend the Industry Bill into two areas:

Firstly to reduce or abolish the bill's power to compel information from firms even if they are involved in "planning àgreements with the National Enterprise Board which the bill sets up.

Secondly to curtail the power of the NEB to invest in industry without the consent of the companies concerned in that industry PROTECTION It would be utterly wrong to see these amendments as an abandonment by Wilson of any previously "socialist" policies. The provisions for the disclosur of information in the original bill were well padded with protection for business secrets such that trade union representatives on the NEB could face up to two years' imprisonment for revealing such information. [See Jack Jones, architect of the original social contract, will be fighting hard for his plans for wage control at the T & GWU Biennial Delegate Conference beginning on Monday.

This will be the centre of the agenda of this policy-making body of Britain's largest union, the GEC has tabled a resolutior supporting the "contract.

TURNING The debate comes at a turning point in the struggle of the working class following the blow to the Labour Government struck by the NUR Jones, however, will seek the authority of the conference to push through his call for flatJack Jones rate increases across all industries.

NN'S restore the profitability of capitalism but has tried to incorporate layers of bureaucrat: into the operation of this in or to defuse resistance.

RADICALISM

Benn's verbal radicalism gave some capitalists the impression that he would not stand firmly enough against workers threatened with unemployment.

We should have no such illusions. Benn, though nominal mover of the Industry Bill, was backed all the way by Wilson, and has never opposed Wilson except when permitted on the Common Market Issue.

He has supported Healey's budget attacks on jobs and since his removal by Wilson as a gesture to the bankers, Benn has shown his completely unprincipled careerism by refusing to attack the move, and meekly accepting the new job.

A sharper insight into Benn's politics was given by his first pub lic appearance as Energy Minister where he invited his Tory opposite number on a "non-political His argument emerged at a T&GWU rally on May 17th, he said:

"The trade union movement mu:

find ways and means to secure a positive response to the governby no means the main cause of inflation, but the present trend for wages to increase faster than prices spells economic disaster" This argumęnt attacks the very reason why unions were built -not just to defend existing conditions, but to improve them through struggle against the employer. How can living standards improve if wages are not allowed to increase faster than prices?

If this does as Jones states spell "economic disaster" then it questions whether workers can afford to allow the capitalist system to continue, not whether living standards should be improved.

It is also untrue that, as Jones suggests, his plan could reduce inflation by 10%. All it will do is cut the value of wages, while inflation, created by the system capitalism, continues unabated.

The WSL calls on all delegates to reject Jones' position, which if adiapted would sacrifice the basic principle of free collective bargaining - a principle upheld in many resolutions passed at the last BDC.

In rejecting the social contract, the T & GWU conference can line up with the AUEW, the Scottish : Yorkshire areas of the NUM and other unions which reject the soci contract.

SLIDING The only answer to intlation is wage restraint, but to fight for a sliding scale of wages clause in pay agreements, giving point for point increases in line with the cost of living index worked out by trade union committees. Two motions on the agenda call for such a policy - one from the 5/293 (BLMC Cowley) branch. They must be supported as the only way forward on wages.

The other big issue, as the Labour Government moves towards massive cuts in public spending will be unemployment. Again the crucial resolution is from 5/293 branch, calling for a sliding scale of hours -work sharing on full pay - and full support for workers who occupy their factories in defence of jobs. The AUEW conference last week passed a strong resolution in suppor of the right to work.

The decisions of the T & GWU conference will have a big influence on the TUC conference which follows it. If the T & GWU conference votes down the social contract then it will disrupt the attempts being made by the Labour and TUC leaders to blame workers' wages for inflation, and would challenge Healey's threat of "Tory policies" in six weeks' time.

COVENTRY Tuesday, 1st July, 7.30pm.

Mercia Pub, Cross Cheaping, Coventry.

"Oppose the Social Contract"

LIVERPOOL Sunday, 29th June, 7.30pm Bradford Hotel, Tithebarn St, Liverpool 2.

(next to Exchange station).

support for the strike. George Butler, Coventry organiser, has now instructed AUEW members to quit the plant. This refusal to mobilise support is similar to the isolation of a strike at Crosfield Electronics in London where wol kers occupied following threats c closure. High Court writs were served, the occupation defeated, and 25 jobs lost, while the union leadership refused to fight".

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the post of Secretary for Ind- ustry by Wilson has been fol

ment's efforts to fight the effects of the economic crisis; Wages are

← Contents of Socialist Press no. 11, 26 June 1975