THE IRON FIST OF PHASE 4 Toolmakers challenge TUC intimidation

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Leyland's with closure.

And for thousands to take strike action against their own union executive would have reverberations among skilled sections throughout the AUEW membership, and the trade union movement as a whole, raising with new sharpness the necessity for new, revolutionary leadership to defend jobs, living standards and the very right to strike.

Following the adoption of Sunday's resolution postponing the expulsions it has become clear that AUEW leaders are appalled at this prospect, yet caught in an -acute dilemma.

If they concede to the SU toolmakers and withdraw the expulsions then their prospects of exerting bureaucratic discipline over other, bigger sections of workers taking unofficial action are remote.

Stoppage

Yet if they do proceed to victimise the toolroom men, then Leyland management-with whom AUEW leaders have collaborated shamelessiy-will be faced with a major stoppage in which the toolroom committee will be pressing not only for reinstatement of the SU toolmakers but also for their main demand of separate negotiating rights.

And they are only too aware that such a struggle would come at the time of *a General Election campaign in which Callaghan and the TUC will be presenting their joint wage-cutting strikebreaking election platform.

AUEW bureaucrats are clearly hoping that more frantic behind the scenes talks with management, combined with vacillation from toolroom committee leader Roy Fraser (who called off a Cowley mass meeting scheduled for Tuesday) can produce some form óf formula which can head off the militancy of Leyland toolmakers.

Compelled

But if, as is likely, this last ditch escape bid fails, Scanlon then there is little doubt that Scanlon and his right wing co-thinkers will be compelled to press ahead with the expulsions.

They are determined above all else to uphold Phase 4 of wage control and to enforce it against militant sections-through wholesale expulsions if need be.

In this way the bureaucratic move to discipline the SU toolmakers is linked to the witch-hunting moves to expel or ban from office the newly re-elected TGWU leadership in Leyland's Cowley Assembly Plant.

The Cowley 9, including plant convenor Bob Fryer, supported in this struggle.

In last year's toolroom strike thousands of workers' showed their readiness to back the Leyland men. But at the crucial point the unofficial committee caved in to Leyland management.

There must be no retreat from the strike decision taken by the toolroom committee. And Fraser must call on all other workers to come out in their support.

Our policies are clear:

*Force the dropping of the expulsion threats against the SU men, and the TGWU disciplinary charges against the Cowley 9!

*Fight to defeat state control of wages! Put in catching up pay claims with cost of living clauses to provide rises to keep pace with the cost of living as calculated by elected committees of trade unionists and housewives!

*Challenge threats of closure-from Duffy, Leyland management. or Chrysler-by demanding the opening of the company's books and those of their suppliers to elected trade union committees!

*Fight for the nationalisation of the whole motor and component industry, without compensation and under workers' management as part of a planned, socialist economy!

*Builds • revolutionary leadershi in the trade unions, capable of fighting the treachery and collaboration of the bureaucracy, right and 'left' wing alike!

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As both were meeti Despite a welter of confused reports including contradictory press statements from Joshua Nkomo, the secret behind the secret sell out of the Zimbabwe liberation struggle is now emerging for all to see.

It is now confirmed that on August 14 a meeting took place in Zambia between Ian Smith and Joshua Nkomo, the purpose of which was to negotiate the inclusion of the Patriotic Front into the settlement being prepared by imperialism to head off a military victory of the liberation forces.

Denied

late as last Friday Nkomo and Smith lenying that, such a g had taken place. By Saturday evening at the end of the two day summit meeting of the five "front line." Presidents, both Nkomo and Smith, were confirming the fact that the meeting had taken place.

Stalinist choice

Nkomo is now fast emerging as the choice of the imperialists and the Moscow Stalinists to head a government which will bring "stable" rule to Zimbabwe. It has long been the strategy of the imperialists to split Nkomo from fellow Patriotic Front leader Robert Mugabe.

But it is not clear how Mugabe will react to these latest developments. It had been reported that he too has been offered a government post, although in a lesser capacity than Nkomo.

Behind the secret deals lie the heavy hand of imperialism. The August 14 meeting was reportedly set up in London five weeks ago when Nkomo met - Chief Chirau, one of the four executive counci members now ruling Zimbabwe.

If these sell-out moves succeed then imperialism will have much reason to thank "socialist" foreign minister •David Owen and "black" Andrew Young, who have piloted the secret diplomacy campaign raging through southern Africa the last period.

Armed struggle

The armed struggle has brought imperialism to the conference table in southern Africa. What imperialism fears now is a military solution which would open up further radicalisation of the masses and the emergence of revolutionary socialist forces.

Those who seek to Smith with his three black stooges oppose Nkomo and Mugabe must demand no secret diplomacy; no internal settlements; intensify the armed struggle; take up a socialist programme for the establishment of Zimbabwe state truly independent of imperialist exploitation.

General Somoza has applied to the Nicaraguan Congress for permission to leave the country. Perhaps he has begun to suspect that 'his' country does not want him.

In the wake of the raid on Congress by the Sandinist Liberation Front, the 'general strike' called by the Broad Opposition Front has begun to take paralysing hold of the capital Managua and the other towns.

As with the similar action in January and February, this 'strike' is not an independent action by the Nicaraguan working class-in many cases employers are still paying wages. But, as before, it has developed in certain areas to a stage far more advanced than its organisers intended or desired.

The northern city of Mata galpa has risen in a rebellion led by youth and students, demanding the overthrow of Somoza's reign of repression.

Armed only with lightweight and improvised weapons they now control almost the whole city, while the military commander informed reporters that if only they would hand over their arms we would have no problems'!

Reinforcements of the National Guard are being rushed in to suppress the rising, but the army also has to contend

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