Aoisin Props up .e. Asia Puppets

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For this reason the most important developments in our work have Our record shows that we continue to fight uncompromisingly to Already it is clear that throughout the world the movement of the Mao greets President Marcos in Peking.

Recent moves in Chinese my government as the legal and constitutional government of Malayforeign policy spell out the Asia so obviously the Communists conclusions of the 'socialism here are bandits: they are fighting in one country' line of the against the government recognised Stalinist leadership of the by the countries of the world" Chinese Communist Party. Asked about broadcasts from China in support of the proA series of leaders of south Chinese liberation forces in Malayeast Asian regimes have visited Pek. sia, Razak continued: ing in past weeks, cementing thei "We monitor these things every relationships with the Chinese day, and we have sensed that the broadcasts have been very low key Last week Kukrit Pramoj, Prime since we have had diplomatic Minister of Thailand, was formally relations with the People's Republic received by Mao Tse Tung during of China. I think these things have a trip which culminated in the cooled down very much." establishment of diplomatic relat- Both Razak and Pramoj are ions between the two countries and anti-communists to the core, bitterly a state banquet at which Pramoj and brutally hostile to the liberation declared that the states of south movements in their own countries. east Asia must oppose foreign sub Another politician who visited Pekversion 'in all its forms' ing recently - if possible even more What his words meant was spelt reactionary - was the Philippines' out more bluntly by Malayasian dictator Ferdinand Marcos, longPremier Tun Abdul Razak, follow- time protege of American imperialing a similar visit to Peking in May, ism in the western Pacific. during which diplomatic relations were also: established. Interviewed by an American magazine, he was asked "What about China's tradit- LAVISH ional support for local revolutionary movements? Would that pose a problem?" Marcos, too, got an ultra-lavish Razak replied: reception, was met by Mao, and "Chairman Mao and Premier Chou went away with diplomatic recogassured me categorically that the nition and a joint communique terrorist problem is our internal calling for "non-interference in each affair and that we can deal with the others internal affairs" - publically terrorists any way we like. When I interpreted, as an end to Chinese came back from China, I announced support for the guerrilla forces that as far as the Communist terror- which have been struggling against ists here are concerned we regard the dictatorship in the Philippines them as bandits. They are not since the Second World War. recognised by anybody. The Peop Chinese "diplomacy' also stretle's Republic of China recognises ched to their making no mention of the huge US military installation in the Philippines, at Clark Bay and Subic Field. These now serve, in the strategic plans of US Defence Secretary Schlesinger, as essential staging posts for airborne troops involved in future US military actions in Asia or the Pacific.

The Chinese drive towards 'detente' in south east Asia has also meant they have given no support to preparations against the provocations of the Park dictator: ship in South Korea, a vassal state of US imperialism since the ending of the Korean war in 1953.

When North Korean Stalinist leader Kim Il Sung launched his diplomatic efforts to gain support from other workers' states in April he got essentially the same response from Peking and Moscow. The Chinese CP leadership received him in a state visit, bit gave not a shred of support to his calls for the liberation of South Korea, while the Kremlin bluntly told him a visit would be 'inappropriate' at the moment.

A key figure in Chinese foreign policy now is seventy-one year old deputy Prime Minister Teng HsiaoPing, probable successor to veteran Prime Minister Chou En-Lai.

TAKE OVER

With both Chou and Mao ageing and ill - the latter now not part of day-to-day administration - the new leadership in the Party and Stati apparatuses announced in January is preparing to take over from the old guard. At the same time Chinese policy has reacted to the dofeat of the US in Indochina not by any correction of the policy of peaceful "coexistence' with US imperialism, but on the contrary by reinforcing it.

The reactionary theory that the world is dominated by two capitalist 'superpowers' - the US and the USSR - is pelt out anew, and their policy in Asia openly points to the Soviet Union as the main threat. Banqueting Pramoj in Peking, Teng Hsiao-Ping accused the USSR of "holding a serious threat over the peace and security of the countries of south east Asia' And in June a despatch from the Hsinhua news agency in Peking - not 'officially' from the Communist Party leadership, but certainly put out by its deliberate decision -reiterated the reactionary 'theory' that the Soviet Union is a 'bureaucrat-monopoly' capitalist state with a 'fascist state machine' The long statement is based of the privileges enjoyed by the Soviet bureaucracy and the suppression of political rights in the Soviet Union.

It contains not one jot of an historical explanation of how, and when, a new form of capitalist class was supposedly formed, or how it could have achieved the overthrow of the basic social gains of the October revolution wihtout a shot being fired.

CYNICAL

There could not be a clearer example • of the cynical use of 'Marxist' phraseology to justify the expediences of policy than the line that the Soviet Union is a fascișt state.

This line played an important part in Chinese support for Britain's entry into the Common Market, and is already beginning to play an extremely dangerous role as China seeks anti-Soviet alliances witl the western European capitalist states. West German Maoists have taken the position that the 'fascist' Soviet occupation of Eastern Europe is a threat to the national independence of West Germany!

The logic of this position is that the Chinese leadership would at best stand aside in the event of Western military intervention in a political crisis in, say, East Germany And the essence of the policy is not support for the workers of Eastern Europe against the dictatorship of the bureaucracy but, on the contful' to China's national interests.

This line, similarly, has been responsible for the isolation, and imprisonment, of Maoists in Portugal by the military regime and their pro-Moscow Stalinist supportIt is in foreign policy, most of all, that the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party shows its Stalinist character and its refusal to lead a fight for the united, international interests of working people.

The fact that - especially in the colonial countries - many revolutionaries have embraced the politics of Maoism, now poses sharp crises within these parties. But these crises of leadership will have no resolution outside the struggle to build Trotsky ist parties, based on the lessons of the Bolshevik opposition to Stalinism within the Third International.

The political bankruptcy of Maoism also threatens the developemnt of socialism within China itself. It shows the necessity for a political revolution in China to remove the Maoist bureaucracy, and restore the power of the factory committees and soviets.

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rary, closer and closer ties with capitalist governments judged 'use-