Courage and confusion in the fight against

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Interview with Sandinista spokesman a loan of $ 20 million to Carter of course made noises about insufficient liberalisation measures, but the real reason is that he knows full well that the longer Somoza lasts, then the stronger will be working-class opposition both to Somoza and to the group of businessmen and church leaders which Carter will back as the new government.

The key bourgeois forces involved in the anti-Somoza movement are united in The Group of Twelve' (Los Doce).

This grouping is vital to Carter's intervention since it has the support of the Tercerista wing of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN).

The Terceristas, whilst claiming to be revolutionary Marxists' and leading a series of daring and effective guerillaist blows at Somoza, have consistently cuddled up to the broad opposition front against the dictator, forging unprincipled links with the Nicaraguan bourgeoisie.

In fact the Sandinistas have authorised Los Doce to form a provisional government if a Sandinista military operation should permanently liberate any part of Nicaraguan territory.

Needless to say, both the Nicaraguan Stalinists and the social democrats have joined in the broad opposition front.

The leadership of the largest of three general trade unions has astablished links with the MDN a "businessmen's organisation i led by Alfonso Robelo (organiser of February's businessmen's strikel.

In this situation, the question of leadership in the working-class movement is posed most starkly.

The strength of support for the Sandinists comes from the urban and rural working-class (nearly 50% of the Nicaraguan labour force is in agriculture or fishing).

But the bourgeois allies of the Tercerista wing of the Sandinists can in no way represent the interests of these workers and peasants.

The Sandinists have, for the last three years, moved ever further down the path of class collaboration in their efforts to cut corners in order to end the bloody dictatorship of Somoza.

The full implications of such a strategy can be seen in the historic defeat inflicted on the Chilean working-class after just such a Popular Front formation was overthrown.

Below we print an interview with Angel Barrajon, an official representative of the Sandinists, currently visiting Britain.

Clearly the WSL has fundamental political differences of programme and perspective with the FSLN, but we feel it is vital Could you describe the political composition of the FSLN? The FSLN is a body comprising three main groups, the Prolonged Popular War Tendency the Proletarian Tendency, and the Insurrectional Tendency or Terceristas ("'Thirdists").

The Prolonged Popular War Tendency is Marxist and has a strategy of a long-term war of attrition based among the peasant communities.

Its leaders were kiiled in combat with the National Guard in 1976, but it was prominent in the uprising of September this to publicise the struggles of the Nicaraguan working-class and to raise the issues of proletarian internationalism. within the labour movement in Britain. year in the towns of Leon, Chinandega, and Estoli.

The Proletarian Tendency is Marxist-Leninist and has a strategy of political organisation in the towns; it is the smallest of the three groups.

The Insurrectional Tendency or Tercerista wing is now the largest group. It seeks tactical alliances with progressive elements in the middle classes, notably Los Doce, and has international support from Venezuela and Panama.

The Terceristas have been responsible for most of the 'armed actions against Somoza Wounded youth since October 1977,. including the taking of the Palacio Nacional in August this year. Where does the FSLN get its arms from?

From the black market or from the defeated sections of the National Guard.

Do you alo trom receive Cuba?

The "geo-political" situation in the Caribbean has prevented Cuba from helping. Effectively we are alone. We have a very good relationship with Cuba, but there is no way they can give material help. Cuba accepts Nicaraguan refugees and FSLN members requiring medical treatment.

What links do you have with other liberation movements? We are in touch with groups in El Salvador and in Guatemala. Could you give an outline of the latest developments in the struggle to overthrow Somoza? The broad opposition front clearly contains many ambiguities and new splits are emerging. Certain forces want to establish a kind of Somozaism without Somoza.

In the last few days however a United Peoples Movement has been set up by 22 proletarian organisations. The aim of this is to avoid the revolutionary process being trapped inside bourgeois democracy.

It is very definitely a popular movement, there are carried off under a hail of fire bourgeois elements involved. What about the orientation of the Terceristas to Los Doce and other conservatives?

Within the FSLN itself there are no class contradictions. There are certain strategic differences on forming alliances with the bourgeoisie but we act in unison.

We do not as an organisation participate in either the broad opposition front or the United Peoples Movement, but we do maintain relationships with them.

The bourgeois anti-Somoza forces are simply using a popular base to attack Somoza because he is restricting their profitability.

But they are at best reformists-particularly with reference to the National Guard, which we regard as an army of occupation.

What you have to understand is that we are also fighting U.S. imperialism which is intervening at all levels, militarily, economically and politically.

U.S. mercenaries and antiCastroites are also involved. We want the European left to pressurise the U.S. to end this intervention. We also need arms and money.

We see our struggle for the conquest of freedoms and popular cratic rights.

Our ultimate tablishment of as one basic demothe esocialist Somoza society, but we must first pass through a series of stages.

Can you comment on the timing of the September uprising? Some elements in the FSLN did not think the time was ripe for mass support for armed struggle, the majority felt that the forces available were ready for open conflict.

With hindsight we can see that the movement did not have enough strength to carry out an insurrection. We are trying now to plan a new offensive with new tactics.

What steps is the FSLN taking to set up councils of action and soviets as a basis for a workers and peasants government? We have two basic objectives in the present stage. Firstly the expropriation of the Somoza clan and their associates who own 30% of the economy and 40% of the cultivable land and secondly the political and ideological struggle to build for socialism.

When Somoza's land becomes social property, we can begin real agrarian reform and gain control over production.

We do organisational work both in the urban and rural working-class, but it is very hard given the extent of the repression.

As Trotskyists we in the WSL stand for the reconstruction of the Fourth International based solidly on the Transitional Programme. Do you have any contact with groups claiming to be Trotskyist either within Nicaragua or from outside? We have had discussions with Trotskyists both inside and outside Nicaragua. We feel that they are too concerned with matters of theory.

The Trotskyists in Nicaragua have no base in the working. class. We do not reject the Trotskyist position as such, but dislike the inquisitorial process Trotskyists use.

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