Missing the Point on S. Africa

Scan page 9

French missile Africa The first eviction urder the Criminal Trespass Law Metropolitan: Police Chief McNee to the Royal Commission on Criminal Procedure which are clearly intended for use against pickets and workers in Among the bureaucrats praised for assisting CACTL in this way was the TGWU Region 1.

A WSL speaker had to point out that far from assisting fighting • these proposals the TGWU Region 1 officials were actively conniving with the police in secret deals restricting the number of pickets outside the Garners restaurants.

The TGWU Region 1 delegate replied that this agreement on picketing was made to assist the police, who «understandably" did not want a mass picket in the centre of Piccadilly!

Expose

The conference highlighted the necessity for a strategy to defend occupations and expose the trade union officials who block the full mobilisation of the working class.

This means:

*Early preparation "of independent workers committees to plan and defend occupations-where necessary through workers defence squads.

*Full support for occupations by supporting strike action and by trade unions maintaining adequate services and supplies to the occupations, e.g. electricity, water, telephones etc.

*No secret deals between union leaders and the authorities or the police.

*Open the books of council housing departments to show the profits siphoned off by private contractors, suppliers and banks. For a crash programme of house building based on the expropriation of these firms without compensation under workers control.

*Labour movement defence of those charged under the Criminal Trespass Law as part of the struggle to have the law repealed.

PHOTO: Andrew Wiard, Report Home Secretary At a when class At a time when class conflict intensifies throughout Southern Africa and the imperialists scramble to crush and divert the forward movement of the working class, Johnson's book provides a useful insight into the secret diplomacy that occurs continuously.

In particular Johnson examines the roles and inteinter-relationships of the greatest imperialist pound the United States, imperialism's African stronghold and primary supplier of gold, South Africa.

The events surrounding the struggles in Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa for the overthrow of white rule are examined in the light of both the short term interests of the national capital of the USA, South Africa and France and the overall imperialist strategy of consolidating and expanding its area of operation.

Intervention

This approach gives us an insight into the imperialist intervention in the national struggles of Southern Africa -especially the military invasion of Angola.

It also sheds some light on the Geneva Conference and other Anglo-American attempts at imposing control on the course of events in Zimbabwe.

Running through his narration are examples of the manipulation of the international monetary system.

• He shows how the gold price and the exchange rate are used as a weapon both in the rivalries between national capital and against the working class internationally.

Johnson argues that the common . interest of Southern Africa and France in raising the gold price despite opposition from the United States has brought conflicts, bargains and trade offs between the leading imperialist powers that resulted in the fluctuations of the gold price, the dollar, and French franc.

He shows the link between this and the invasion of Angola.

Superficial

Although Johnson's book is certainly useful, its superficial 'Marxist' perspective reflects more capitalism's concern with the challenge to the South African state, than any serious attempt to examine that challenge.

It takes for granted what Johnson sees as the "weakness" and "passivity" of the black working class of South Africa and its allegiance to an 'incompétent' leadership-namely the traditional nationalist movements (African National Congress and the PanAfricanist Congress) and the Stalinist South African Communist Party.

Johnson then ventures into an examination of the South African situation and discovers conflict as a series of episodic events-rather than as a process of class struggle between conflicting interests.

Of these events Johnson provides comprehensive details.

On the basis of the information, he draws some correct conclusions.

No socialist utopia can be built in a South Africa tied to international capitalism, he declares.

The spontaneous opposition of the black working class is, he shows, not in itself sufficient to destroy the capitalist state.

And he correctly insists that the ANC, CP, and PAC have proved incapable of providing the leadership necessary to build the South African revolution.

False assumption

But Johnson reaches these, conclusions without breaking from his false assumptions of the passivity of the working class and their inevitable allegiance to an incompetent leadership.

Johnson's empirical information had led him to the implicit conclusion that the ineffectiveness and theoretical vacuousness of the ANC/CP and PAC play a these aims that the crucial part in the defence reformists and Stalinists of the South African state. refrain from any real interLacking any basic vention in the day to day political analysis he does struggles of the working not recognise however that class. the role of the traditional nationalist movement and the CP does not arise from their 'incompetence' on the tactic with which to pursue one hand and Vorster's brilliance on the other.

Alliance ism.

It arises from the fact that these reformists and Stalinists deny the political independence of the working class in favour of a popular front policy of alliance with "progressive" sections of the bourgeoisie.

The failure of workers' opposition to pose any direct threat to the ruling class is not the result of the "inefficiency" of their leaders.

It is entirely in line with these leaders' political perspective. The ANC/CP and PAC operate in terms of a programme that calls for the mass of workers to do no more than reform the capitalist state in the interests of the black petty bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie.

It is in the pursuit of fact holding the workers in check and thus ensuring the continuity of capitalist rule. | • Thus it is that Johnson is forced by his starting point 'to "reach the conclusion that the Sharpeville and Soweto uprisings (which he characterises as '1905's') have no serious prospect of political development.

Conversely revolution-| aries recognise that the 'incompetence" of the ANC/CP and PAC are no more than the reflection of their counter-revolutionary politics. Revolutionaries recognise that the working class is a revolutionary class by virtue of the fact that its independent class interests are irreconcilable with those of the ruling class and are thus able to see a very real basis for the forward development of the class struggle inside South Africa.

Such a development is not automatic. On the contrary, Socialist Press has consistently pointed to the way in which the lack of a revolutionary alternative is allowing reformist opportunists to assume leadership and divert the struggle in their own interests.

Way forward The South African proletariat requires intervention, on the basis of a programme and method of struggle which challenges the existing course of the working class; provides an organisational and political way, forward; and exposes the political bankruptcy of those who would claim to be leaders.

Such an intervention and method 'of struggle must be based on a transitional programme of demands to defend the interests of the working class and achieve their independent political mobilisation to overthrow Strike by black workers capitalism and its state machine.

The South African state will only be able to contain and control the opposition of workers for as long as it is protected not merely by its own strength, but by the Armed struggle as posed by the black nationalists collusion and betrayals of and the Stalinists is not a the Stalinists and reformist misleaders of the working the independent interests of class. the working class and One force and one force destroy apartheid-capital- alone is capable of destroyWing racism and capitalism in Armed struggle for them South Africa-the working is a substitute for the mobil- class, mobilised by a leaderisation of the working class ship around a programme their own interests, which expresses its indeenabling these leaders to pendent class interests. pose as "militants" while in made in South

Scan page 10

NDUSTRAL NEWS