The Capitalist

Scan page 4

PHOTO: Andrew Wiard, Report Margolis When Cyril Margolis provoked a strike by sacking 84 trade union members, he believed that the whole affair would be over in a couple of weeks.

Why should he think other wise? He knew how servile TGWU Catering officer Abrahams had been in negotiations throughout 1977; and he had George Ward's example in front of him.

So he threw ACAS out, threw the union. out and declared war on the pickets.

For the next five months Margolis maintained a stony silence, refusing to refer to the strike even in internal company bulletins.

However, during the summer the effect picketing was having on trade was reflected in growing scab violence (which culminated in armed assaults on pickets throughout July and August).

At this point Margolis tried another tactic. Aware of the miserable support given to the strikers by the TGWU he approached them for negotiations to end a dispute which was endangering their "left" reputation as much as his profits.

But in accepting and recommending his offer of 16 jobs back and a ballot for recognition at a future date, the union reckoned without the independent strength of the strike committee.

Much to the frustration of Margolis and Regional organiser Shorter, the strikers totally rejected this monstrous sell out and reaffirmed their policy of no return to work without recognition and reinstatement.

Secret negotiations must have continued however, because at the end of November Margolis suddenly declared that he was breaking off all talks with the union.

On the strength of an internal scab ballot which went (not surprisingly) against the union he embarked on a Decerber offensive in a desperate attempt to kill the strike.

Pre-meditated scab attacks were organised to physically smash the picket line. At the same time Margolis opened up a press witch-hunt to pressurise the TGWU to call the strike off.

His latest attempt to kill the strike has had the hallmarks of NAFF.

Legal threats • have been made against the CPSA secondary blacking. George Ward's favourite Tory MP, Gorst, has intervened in Parliament.

And a leading part has been played by the Telegraph and Express.

All this points to the heavy involvement of the right wing of the Tory party and NAFF.

If Margolis can rely on the help of NAFF, other employers, and the police, he. has always been sensitive to the fact that the leadership of the TGWU are as keen to kill this strike as he is.

Shorter ballot!

Margolis, who had already thrown out one ballot, contemptuously dismissed this treacherous compromise as yet a further indication of the weakness of the union.

At this critical point, however, a new strike committee was elected at a mass meeting of the strikers.

Regional levy

The new committee immediately introduced a series of policies which would win the strike.

1) A Regional Levy, to raise £36 a week strike pay;

2) Delegations from the Region's 500,000 members to man picket lines ail week, mass pickets every Saturday;

3) Secondary blacking;

4) No return to work without union recognition and reinstatement.

The crucial development of a new, politically conscious leadership, has kept this strike alive. But it was seen as a threat by the TGWU bureaucracy.

The first phase of their struggle against this new leadership saw Regional Secretary Todd and Executive member Nicholson move in to block all attempts by the strike committee to get their policies supported in the TGWU.

Refused to print

This at times sunk to almost farcical levels. For a whole period Abrahams refused to print the policies on strike bulletins and Nicholson even blocked an attempt to circulate the 1,600 branches within Region 1 with a letter calling for support for the strike committee's policies.

The two Garners support conferences were turning points in the relationship between the bureaucracy and the strikers.

Regional • organiser Les Shorter was howled down by over 200 delegates at the second conference when he denounced mass picketing and claimed that Ron Todd Shorter did, reluctantly, promise a series of factory tours to raise money, but these soon petered out, and at all times strikers were accompanied by regional officials or Abrahams, with all money going first to regional treasurer Westbrook.

Loans

The strikers discovered to their amazement that two previous £10 handouts by the Region fon top of their pitiful £6 per week strike pay) were actually loans.

Money sent to Region 1 for the strike was going straight into Westbrook's coffers and being withheld from the strike committee at the discretion of the Region.

This procedure also applied to a £2,000 contribution from the GEC.

As a result, for ten months the TGWU gave the strike committee a miserly £6 per week, only recently raised to £12.

The question of picketing has vexed the Regional Commitțee since the beginning of the strike; they have left the strikers isolated and vulnerable to scab violence.

In twelve months on strike there has not been one delegation organised by the Regional leadership on the picket lines!

This has been compounded by the most far-reaching betrayal of all-when Staden actually reached an agreement with the police to limit picket line numbers to six.

This is the clearest indication that Staden and Shorter have no intention of mobilising forces onto the picket line. strike, limiting its support to individuals on the picket line and occasional supporting articles in their paper, have been thrown into disarray by the fact that the person doing the most to destroy this strike and sow dangerous precedents for future struggles is one of their own members, Sid Staden.

To answer criticisms levelled at them over Staden's treachery the CP have had to do a cosmetic job.

We have seen CP secretary McLennan and National Organiser Cook on the picket line on Christmas Day and a brief guest appearance two weeks ago of Party chairman McGahey.

But far from sealing off the strike from their members, these token gestures are leading them further into the web spun by one of their own members.

The GLATC-called mass picket on December 8 saw CP member Tom Durkin arrested for being seventh on a picket line.

The contradiction of a leading Stalinist being arrested through the treachery of fellow Stalinist Staden opens the chance not only of exposing CP class collaboration but also of demanding increased support from both the leadership and the membership of the CP itself.

PHOTO: Andrew Wiard, Report Guest picket McGahey