Fedayeen leaders see

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British and French oil monopolies.

Before the oilworkers' strike, Iran produced six million barrels of oil a day -about 10% of the world's total production.

Israeli oil Virtually all Israeli and South African oil imports, most of West Germany's and a significant share of Japan's were from Iran.

In the short term the cutback in Iranian production to well under one million barrels a day has already produced a crisis in the worla market, but it will not be for a few weeks that the cutback has its effect on oil available in the fiscal markets. Already the 'spot' (immediate delivery) price has shot up.

The racist South African government, before placing new secrecy restrictions on to raise oil prices this year by more than the 14% already agreed.

Two gulf states already last week were able to raise their prices well beyond the ruling official OPEC price. And Saudi Arabia's extra production is already charging the higher price which was not supposed to operate until October.

No policy Of course, there is always the possibility that Iranian's oil supplies will resume.

The Khomeini/Bazargan government doesn't yet seem to have established any serious oil production policy initial position is to policy encourage production and exports to resume-but this seems less a policy on production than an effort to impose its authority on the powerful and militant oil workers. •wed t General Motors plant Some of the most militant demands being placed on the Iranian goverhment come from the Fedayeen (the Organisation of Iranian People's Fedaii Guerillas).

Fedayeen forces now estimated at 150,000, claim to have played a leading role in the fighting at the air base in East Tehran which sparked the collapse of the Shah's army and in the attack on the US Embassy in Tehran.

They now have holding onto their weapons and calling for the dismantling of the army, replacing it with a 'people's army' with elected officers, and for elected workplace councils.

The Fedayeen have had hundreds of members killed or imprisoned since they launched their 'armed struggle' against the Shah 1971 and have obviously become a pole of attraction for young Iranian militants working for an alternative to the Tudeh party. Armed masses in the streets But the role of the Fedayeen which describes itself as Marxist-Leninist, could become crucíal in defusing the working class struggle against Khomeini.

Its militant history gives the group a credibility that the Tudeh party lacks-yet the Fedayeen still holds Stalinist theories, complete with an advanced two stage theory of revolution, popular frontism and opportunism. Its sole criticisim of the Tudeh Party (which it calls reformist) is based on the fact that the Tudeh Party rejected guerillaism.

Socialist

The Fedayeen describes the Soviet Union, China, Cuba, Vietnam and all other degenerated and deformed workers states as 'socialist' and explains the support of Chinese and Moscow bureaucracies for the Shah as ill advised attempts to persuade the Shah to change his policies.

Today the Fedayeen support Khomeini, seeking todistinguish between him and the mullahs. Last week they planned a march to his headquarters "to break down that wall [erected by the mullahs] so that we could speak to him directly."

Khomeini, who does not share a reciprocal respect for the Fedayeen, branded them extremist opportunists and said he would not meet them. In line with their support for Khomeini the Fedayeen cailed off the march. Yet even after this incident a spokesman told the Daily Telegraph's correspondent in Tehran:

• "Because Khomeini is anti-imperialist and anti-dictatorship and has popular support we go along with him, but unfortunately he is surrounded by a wall of mullahs who are preventing people from having direct contact with him."

Savak chief, Nassiri, and In fact Khomeini has made his anti-communist credentials quite clear and. his Prime Minister, Bazargan has put on record his readiness to use force against the Fedayeen' "if they disturb the order and security"

Split

The Fedayeen was founded in a split with the Tudeh in 1963. Bijan Jazani, their first eader was sentenced to 15 years in jail in 1967-four years refore the Fedayeen turned to querillaism.

While in prison he wrote and imuggled out many works which are now used as the heoretical cornerstone of the -edayeen, Jazani was later nurdered in. prison by the shah's forces.

Extracts from the books eveal the bankrupt popular ront approach of the Fedayeen o the Iranian revolution. "heir strategy was to use uerilla war to rouse the masses which the Fedayeen regarded vith deep pessimism).

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volution in Iran shakes ence of imperialism PRESS, Wednesday 0083 END END ARTIAL I IRAI MART MARTIAL MARTIAL IN IRAN!