ARGENTINA Political Prisoners

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The repressions against working class organisations in Argentina, and in particular the assassinations of militants carried out by the fascist AAA (Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance) are notorious.

But despite the defeat inflicted on Peron's government by the general strike against wage restraint, more than 1,100 militant workers, students and popular activists are still held in jail by the regime, most with no formal charges against them.

Many are themselves members or supporters of the Peronist movement, held because of Peron's fears of the further mobilisation of the working class.

Among the most outstanding of those in jail are:

Pichinini: leader of the regional branch of the UOM (Metal Workers Union) in Villa Constitucion (probably the most militant area of the working class in Argentina). The workers there struck for two months demanding the release of Pichinini and the rest of the UOM leadership who were imprisoned on he basis of an alleged "subversive plot to halt industrial production" in the region.

Talento: student leader of the JUP (University Peronist Youth), and president of the student union of the University of Buenos Aires. Ongaro: leader of the FGB (Union of Press Workers of Buenos Aires). Ongaro took part in many of the 1974 struggles of workers, which although then defeated, paved the way for the present labour upsurge.

The repressions have also kept imprisoned members of the PST (Socialist Workers Party), most of them since November 1974. In addition fourteen PST regional headquarters have been bombed. Those still held include:

Luisa Segura: a student leader arrested on November 14th while standing in the dining room of Tucuman University.

Juan Carlos Orsonio: he was arrested and tortured during the federal take-over of the Ledesma sugar workers union in northwest Argentina, and is a long-time member of the PST.

Resolutions

The defence of these and all political prisoners held by the reactionary Peron regime is the task of all socialists. In Argentina it must be an integral part of the struggle to oust the Peron government and replace it with a workers and peasants government, along with the break from the Peronist movement of the trade unions.

Carvalho But it is equally clear that Socialist Party leader Soares' call for a 'Government of National Salvation' is simply reaction assuming another face.

Soares calls for the defence of the Constituent Assembly as a 'decision making body' in which the socialists have a majority of seats. At the same time he calls for a limitation of the power of workers' committees and legislation to enforce their election by secret ballot.

BONAPARTIST

The radical face' of the AFM leadership's consolidation of power as a bonapartist dictatorship 'above classes' is represented by Carvalho, head of the security force COPCON on his way back from Cuba.

But while the new leaders attempt to short-circuit the 'parliamentary democracy' that Soares appears to be defending, they seek to tie the working class directly to 'Portugal's dependence on Western Europe' through incorporating workers' councils into and under the control of the AFM hierarchy.

Soares' call for 'democracy' meanwhile opens the door for the mobilisation of all the reactionary elements seeking a return to fascism. Soares' attack on the AFM leadership is the excuse for anticommunist thas to come nut inta Portugal's brutal African wars.

It is certain that Spinold and his backers now hope for the support of 'moderate" elements in the AFM is they launch an armed ECONOMIC PLAN To call for the defence of the constitutional powers of the constituent assembly is no defence against such manoeuvres. In the first place the assembly only ever envisaged its role as a rubber stamp for the policies of the AFM Leaders. It is powerless.

Only the organised strength of the working class, winning the support of soldiers and peasants, can defend democracy in Portugal, prevent a fascist counter-coup, and solve the rapidly deteriorating economic situation of mounting unemployment and inflation.

This latter requires the construction of an economic plan involving the complete expropriation of the capitalist class and landowners, and comes into absolute confrontation with the AFM leaders "recognition' of Portugal's dependence on Western Europe'.

The defence of democratic liberties against a fascist counter-attack requires the absolute resistance of workers and soldiers to the AFM attempt through Carvalho's 'direct democracy' plan to incorporate workers' committees into AFM control.

What is required is the break of rank and file soldiers from the AFM and their incorporation into an independent workers' militia prepared to effect and defend a working class seizure of state power and the construction of a socialist Thin in tha --1..