Theorist Lenin Distorts

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The Stalinist bureaucracy the Soviet Union have reteed to the "interpretation" (Lenin's writings on the 1905 hesian Revolution to try and * ip themselves with a line lich reconciles ' Peaceful existence ' with the advance ! the revolution in Western : Konstantin Zaradov, a candidate amber of the central committee : the CPSU and editor of the *emational review Problems of ace and Socialism, has now pubbed - clearly on behalf of the wiet Politburo - an article on minist Strategy and Tactics of paolutionary Struggle (Pravda, | August). It takes the form of amentary on Lenin's Two Tac• of Social Democracy in the nocratic Revolution (a polemic, minst the Mensheviks written ring the early stages of the sian Revolution of 1905).

Zaradov's purpose however, is irely up to date. It is to give at st verbal support to the policies.

the Portuguese CP and to renand other Communist Parties Western Europe - notably the ¡ians - who are overdoing their ¡thusiasm for parliamentary "demIt marks an attempt to bend = rod of Stalinist policy in Westi Surpesroady to the left of For Trotskyists, the march of * European working class - led by • events in Portugal - make all the Die urgent a careful study of the oking: class movement and its a-manad in thie antliar time writings throughout the period leading up to the taking of state power by the proletariat in October 1917, the rich lessons offered in party organisation, in tactics and strategy towards autocratic regimes and bourgeois democracy.

But Zaradov's intention in discussing Iwo Tactics is not the theoretical strengthening of the revolutionary movement. Rather, he is concerned to defend the bureaucratic course of the Portuguese Communist Party in recent weeks from the criticism of fellow W. European Stalinist Parties, especially in Italy and Spain.

This was well understood by the Italian CP, who responded defensively in L'Unita, accusing Zaradov of having "oversimplified Lenin" and of making a "false analogy" between the situation in Russia in 1905 and that of Europe today.

Even the loyal George Marchais head of the French CP, insisted that their policies are made in Paris, not Moscow - not because he George Marchais meant it, but in order to sweeten relations with the French socialists which had been soured by Stalinist criticism of Mitterand's support for Soares. ofothe proletariat" on socialist revolution: 'Lenin showed first of all that the hegemony of the proletariat transforms the revolution into an authentic people's revolution, tor the working class intervenes on behalf of the whole people, at the head of the whole people. That is why it is inadmissible to underestimate the democratic forms of struggle. Lenin wrote, "Anyone who wishes to move towards socialism by a route other than political democracy arrives inevitably at stupid and reactionary conclusions"... These words are a crushing condemnation of those on the right who slander the communists by presenting them as " enemies of democracy" and those who are the grist to the mill of reaction by putting forward leftist slogans of "immediate socialism'.

What Zaradov clearly has in mind is the hegemony not of the proletariat but of the Communist Party. In Portugal it has acted to contain and control & in close collaboration with the military - the independent struggles of the working class (formation of workers committees occupation of factories and strikes etc). The CP has consiscould be a step forward for revolutionary democracy.

Zaradov however, had another reason for dipping into Two Tactics, already evident from the passage quoted above. Lenin, in 1905, sought to establish a correct relation ship between bourgeois democratic tasks and socialist tasks, and to clarify the role of the proletariat in the accomplishment of both. In this he argues against the Menshevik theory of separate 'stages" and for the conception which shared a common kernel with Trotsky's Maniaunat Darnltinn democratic revolution to completion, allying to itself the mass of the peasantry in order to crush the autocracy's resistance by force and paralyse the bourgeoisie's instability. The proletariat must accomplish the socialist revolution, allying to itself the mass of the semi-proletarian elements of the population, so as to crush the bourgeoisie's resistance by force and paralyse the instability of the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie". [Lenin Collected Works Zaradov uses Lenin's stress on the necessity for the proletariat to struggle for democracy to underline the politics of detente (and perhaps also to warn the Portuguese CP against pursuing too aggressive a line).

He doubtlesst found some common characteristics of Russia 1905 and Portugal 1975 useful to his argument. In 1905 there had been a long history of autocratic rule, a large, poor peasantry and a larger area of capitalist development which was backward in relation to that in surrounding countries.

DIFFERENCES

But the differences, even leaving out the general situation of the world working class are no less striking. Whereas the Tsar's iron hand still held Russia in its grasp in 1905 the Portuguese fascists today have been booted out. Whereas in 1905 Russia was still struggling for the freedom of. capitalism to develop, today in Portugal - thanks to the pressure of the working class - nationalisation of the means of production are on the order of tha Hav and in some cases have back streets, a centre of vermin and disease. Local residents are learning that the only way to get the rubbish collected is to throw it in the road where it blocks traffic!

Whole sections of the subway network are becoming dangerous through lack of maintainance. Gaping holes, dug to buila a new subway line, lie unfilled, untouched in Brooklyn and Queens - the money ran out and the subway was not built. Buildings crumble for lack of maintainance and all the while a huge patential workforce is left with no future, simply existing from day to day in the ghettoes smouldering with discontent.

TENSIONS

The tensions in such a situation are reflected in the enormous figures for alcoholism (including child alcoholism), drug addiction, force denies democratic rights to the bourgeoisie. Rather the bourgeoisie itself is intervening (wherever it can) to resist the onward thrust of the working class towards the socialist revolution.

Lenin's remarks on bourgeois democracy simply do not apply. In that, though in nothing else, the Italian Stalinists are right.

Zaradov's article is not content merely to misapply Lenin he revises him as well. Listen to the apologist for detente: • Experience has shown [thinking of Chile?] that the struggle [for socialism] does not necessarily have to be armed insurrection. The peaceful road is equally possible and Marxists consider it preferable"

INSURRECTION

Yet Lenin speaks repeatedly in Two Tactics of the inevitability of insurrection, of the absolute need to arm the working class 'For anyone who has understood the barest essentials of the class struggle, a victory over autocracy will be precisely a dictatorship; i.e.

it must rely on military force, the arming of the masses and the insurrection, and not on institutions of

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'S, Wednesda

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tently moved to impose a bureau- cratic straightjacket on actions whicl