New York Shows Real Face of Crisis

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violent crime, robbery and theft.

The "conscious agitation by the press and right wing of racial tensions in the city, "where such a large proportion of workers and unemployed are immigrants, comes on top of the material pressures on the white working class flowing directly from the crisis - high rents, rising prices, speed-up and job insecurity.

The racists are particularly mobilising, as in Boston, Philadelphia and other cities around the stormy question of "bussing' - the desegregation of schooling by mixing together youth from different neighbourhoods.

In a city where education is already so deficient that now many High School youth leave unable even to read and write and further budget cuts continue with a proposal to cut 17,000 teaching jobs, emotions run high on this issue.

CITY WORKERS

In the midst of this the strongly organised sections of city workers, whose resistance could porvide a rallying point' to working class strug; gle to change conditions are led by bureaucrats determined to prevent a fight to defend jobs and wages against attack, while Mayor Beame, a Democrat, speaks with the backing of the big city banks, pillars of world capitalism.

The city faces complete bankruptcy - yet at the same time is paying millions of dollars in interest on bonds issued by the so-called Municipal Assistance Corporation (Big MAC), and a drastic cut in city spending - hence the redund ancies and cuts in services.

The cuts being carried out challenge the strength of the unions and attempt to destroy their bargaining power. This is only possible because union leaders such as Victor Gotbaum of the Federation of State: County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), and Albert Shanker of the American Federation of Teachers, among many others refuse to call strike action and stop the city. New York in this sense is a test run for other cities and an all out onslaught against trade union organisation by US employers.

SHRONIC UNEMPLOYMEN Yet within the city itself the poverty and degradation of the chronic unemployed - youth who have never had the chance to work, workers with families dependent on the pittance of welfare payments -shows what lies ahead for the whole working class if the employers succeed in their attacks.

Politically the union leaders are tied hand and foot to the capitalist class through support for either Mayor Beame the Republican or Democratic Party. Gotbaum for instance supports Beame, saying "we should all feel sorry for him"

Following through this logic, Gotbaum has just "negotiated" away a 6% pay increase due to his members as of July Ist. The increase will not be paid, but the union bureaucrats claim it will still be the basis on which further "increases" are negotiated! On the basis of such imaginary money, the employers would undoubtedly concede any fig ure!

The rationalisation for not acting against this attack on wages (Beame was stating that if the unions did not accept he would impose it anyway), is based on complete acceptance of capitalist logic. Gotbaum explains: 'If they went for legislation and we went out [on strike] the bond market would collapse, default would take place, and there would be many payless days ahead. So we had a strong interest in an agreemen that would restore confidence in the bond market, to keep the cash flow going."

For Democrat Gotbaum therefore, as the bankers coin in the cash, and hold the power of life or death over New York City's budget, the role of the unions is supposed to be to "restore confidence"!

KEY QUESTIONS

The whole economic and social crisis in New York poses key political questions to the whole US working class - both the organised and the unorganised.

Whereas Mayor Beame is a Democrat, he is pressured by bankers and Republicans in carrying through these attacks. Both these represent the interests of US capitalism.

The necessity is to break the working class from these parties and build a Labour Party in the US, through which the questions poverty, racial discrimination unemployment, cuts in services and living standards can be taken up and fought in a way which develops the political independence of the working class.

Over the last two months there appears to have been some healing of the split in the African National Council between those elements lead by Muzorewa, who place the main emphasis on a constitutional conference with Smith and relegated the armed struggle to the category of 'If all else fails"; and the more militant elements such as LANU wno set int contr uation of the guerrilla struggle as the vital priority.

Recent events on two fronts armed struggle.

stepping up repression, consciously ional liberation movement stemming from its divisions. Arrests of known nationalists continue at a high rate on a variety of trumped up charges, and it recently transpired that Edison Sithole, the ANC publicity officer, had been given poisoned coffee by the Rhodesian Army while at a military base in Salisbury waiting to be fhown to Zambia. The intention was no doubt that he would die in Zambia and the incident could have been used to play up antagonisms between the ANC and the Zambian government.

Meanwhile Smith has been preparing for a renewed drive against the guerrilla movement. In an openly announced military campaign to 'stamp out terrorism" the Rhodesian authorities have introduced general mobilisation of whites, including women.

The: second factor responsible for Muzorewa's about turn on the guerrilla question has been the massive increase in the number of Africans crossing the border into Mozambique to join the guerrilla movement. 6,000 young Africans have recently fled to Mozambique and they continue to arrive at a rate of about 100 a day.

However Smith knows very well flection the ANC has decided to giving Smith until October 1 forward with some concre posals.

Smith, under gentle but tirm pressure from Vorster, the South African Prime Minister, obligingly came forward with just what was required - the offer of the long-awaited constitutional conference. He even went to considerable lengths to meet the ANC's demand that the conference be held outside Rhodesia. Accordingly the conference will take place in a railwi carriage on the bridge over ti Rhodesia/Zambia border at Victo Falls.

However an examination of t mechanics of the conference is 1 vealing. Danging above the Zambe river, Smith and Muzorewa • outline their differences and the in the words of the Guardiar correspondent in Salisbury, "Mi ually acceptable committees mi produce compromise solutions".

Besides asking exactly wh could constitute a sub-committ "mutually acceptable" to both t racist settler regime of. Smith on ti one hand and the workers al peasants of Zimbabwe on the oth‹ exactly what "compromise solutic could be possible, it should also noted that these sub-committe will meet: inside Smith's territo which would effectively exclu participation by people under thr of arrest such as N.Sithole, t leader of ZANU, the section of t liberation movement which has ca sistently argued the priority of th armed struggle.

It is quite true that the Ar has taken steps to prepare for military escalation. A new cent logistics base has been set up Mozambique with the co-operati of FRELIMO. The point is hower that as long as the armed strugg is seen only as a measure to adopted should talks fai and achieve the same goal as talks African Majority Rule - then t stage remains set for sell outs li the one Smith is now attempti to arrange at Victoria Falls. The should be no mistake either th Smith while being under press from Vorster to come to a sett ment, is receiving Vorster's expr advice in disguising victory for wh supremacy as victory for nation liberation.

It must be made absolute clear that there is in fact ve little to talk about between Smi and the workers and peasants Zimbabwe. Any 'national liberati‹ considered acceptable to Smi must avoid the land question. B without the repossession of all t settler land by the peasants 'Bla Majority Rule' would be a farce.

Therefore the question of ni ional liberation cannot start frc the position of compromise sol tions with Smith. The armed strug against white settler colonialis must be the foremost aim of t liberation movement, based on explicit programme of national ation of industry and the expro riation of settler land.