[The workers at Norton Villiers of the industry's…]

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The workers at Norton Villiers of the industry's viability is clear have the determination to fight from utopian workers' cooperative As we go to press, workers in Norton Villiers Triumph at Wolverhampton are determined to carry through the almost unanimous decision of their mass meeting to occupy in defence of jobs while workers at NVT Mean a 11 Trat IMPALI have yet:

decide wnat acion io take against being put on a three day week. and are bitterly disillusioned by the betrayals of the Labour Government and in Benn's promises.

But the outcome of this struggle will depend on what strategy is adopted to answer the Labour Government's attack on jobs. Whether a leadership can be built to put the defence of jobs before the creation of a "viable" capitalist industry.

The closure is a direct result of the Labour Government adopting the Tory policy of withholding grants from NVT and other "lame ducks". The government has now made a clear stand that unviable industiies will be neither nationalised not any longer propped up by government grants.

JOBS DESTROYED

This means that the jobs of thousands of workers in firms which are no longer competitive on the international market will be destroyed by the Labour Government in the hope that through speed up and rationalisation B itish capitalism as a whole will survi As socialists, we are not concerned whether this or that industry is viable or not. The principle is to ensure that the working class do not bear the brunt of the capitalists' probl Dms. Those who accept that jobs can only be aelenaed oy making ine 1Linduraters menfitahla nare the trav muusly piumavio . paro to way for wage cutting and speed up.

The result of linking the defence of jobs with the defence projects such as Meriden where workers are super-exploited to maintain distributive profits and pay off financiers.

Benn and the Labour "lefts' who encouraged the cooperative project and now maintain a discreet silence as thousands of jobs are destroyed.

•Meanwhile local Labour coun cillors in Wolverhampton try to head off the struggle against the Labour Government by sponsoring a 'community cooperative" where the local council, local businessmen and component suppliers would buy the factory from the receiver and make it viable. The result could only be intensified exploitation backed by a constant threat of closure. called «Marxist» group the so- The Militant Labour Party, at a recent meeting in Wolverhampton, gave no lead at all to workers at NVT. No criticism of the role of Benn came from the platform, and though they spoke of nationalisation they refused to call for the removal of those leaders who are carrying out the attacks on the working class.

Not only did they offer no programme to fight on, but speakers from their platform condemned the Labour government for refusing to give them "the machinery to fight the Japs" Militant capitulated to these reactionary, nationalist illusions, themselves arguing that British capitalists have "refused to invest" and have "squandered their profits"

They further maintained absolute silence on the argument on import controls.

Despite the evasions and opportunism of the Militant group the only strategy to save the jobs is to fight for the nationalisation of the whole industry without compensation under workers management. As part of the campaign for nationalisation the real state of affairs must be exposed.

The government holds 50.1% of the saares of NVI, but has allowed Poore, the managing director, to systematically close down parts of the motor cycle empire while transferring funds elsewhere.

Poore claims that Wolverhampton has £2 million debts - yet most of this is owed to the holding company NVT. What financial fiddles have gone on to transfer funds elsewhere? What has happened to the £18 million given in government loans and grants?

sacked for asking to see the books of Manganese Bronze holdings as well as NVT itself. The books of both Manganese Bronze and NVT must be opened for inspection by trade union committees.

CONTRACTS On the basis of such information a plan can be drawn up to maintain jobs after nationalisation through state contracts and the provision of alternative work. If less work than previously is available, the policy of work-sharing on full pay must be implemented by trade union committees until production can be expanded.

The union leaders and the Labour 'lefts' who mouth their concern to avoid unemployment must take up this programme or stand exposed.

For eight months Swindon has awaited the town meeting proposed by the No.9 District Committee of the Confederation of ShipBuilding and Engineering Unions.

The meeting was originally instigated following an occupation by Plessey Interconnect workers in defence of their jobs, but was quickly linked to the general unemployment hitting the area. The meeting was finally called on Wednesday 13th August after over 500 registered unemployed youth swelled the dole queues to well over 5,000. But it was restricted to branch officers, trades council delegates and shop stewards.

The meeting arises out of a long crisis of programme in the fight for jobs in Swindon. In 1974 the Plessey Interconnect workers backed a call for nationalisation which first arose from the Blunsdon factories where the first wave of redundancies had started.

Following this abstract demand which was separated from any call to occupy and force nationalisátion Benn and Heffer became involved through Swindon's Labour MP, David Stoddart. Discussions proceeded between Government ministers and trade union officials which resulted in a call by Stoddart for the Plessey combine to be placed on a 'priority list' for SOLATION The factory throughout this period became isolated while the question of an "independent" workers' cooperative was looked into. How this would answer the problems Interconnect (especially when the recession in electronics had already necessitated the rationalisation of Plessey Interconnect to Northampton since it was economically more viable than Swindon) was never answered. Neither, of course, was it ever seriously proposed as a policy.

The isolation of a workforce willing to occupy in defence of its jobs from a realisable programme broke down any real attempt to answer the fundamental question of defending the right to work.

The occupation when it took place was under that slogan beloved by the sectarian Workers Revolutionary Party "Nationalise in Swindon date. Why more people shc uld attend to discuss abstract questi ons on unemployment while the leadership takes up no fight in the factories to test policy OI programme, remains a mystery.

NO FIGHT Much more mysterious, however, is Workers Press dated August 15th 1975 where apparently a worker 'put forward a programme of socialist policies -namely "Basic industries should be nationalised under workers control and without compensation" - and demanded "the Labour Government should be forced to resign."

According to Workers Press the WSL then rushed in to defend the Labour and trade union bureau In fact, the WL had rushed to the defence of Trotsky's Transitional Programme, demands from which the WRP member in Swindon had actually moved and not the maximum programme reported in Workers Press.

The WSL correctly criticised the sectarian ultra-left demand 'force the Labour Government to resign" which had been tagged on to the end of the programme, since it isolated the only realisable programme which can defend jobs and living standards from the meeting by including a wrong attitude towards the Labour This in fact assisted the right wing to stifle discussion on & correct programme.

The SL, while rejecting the demand to force the Labou government to resign, fights to expose the left talkers in the LP by demanding they fight for the removal of Wilson and the right wing. This does not mean workers should hold back in struggle even if that struggle threatens the existence of the Labour govern ment.

After much discussion throughout the meeting, which included an Interconnect worker linking the occupation defeat with a lack of leadership as well as a programme, the platform reported their desire to have local Labour MP David Stoddart at the next meeting However, the WSL will, as before, pressure the trade union bodies for another town meeting and hopefully it will not take another eight months.

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According to NVT workers six months ago Poore's auditors were