St 7i2n9 Iran Revolution at the Crossroads

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reaction within Iran which now threaten to overwhelm all the gains made by the oppressed masses when they overthrew the tyranny of the Shah.

Today Khomeini, and the other religious leaders who placed themselves at the head of the mass mobilisations, are moving ahead with ruthless determination to impose their dictatorship in the form of the "Islamic Republic' Bigots These reactionary bigots still claim to speak in the interests of the workers and peasants. They still denounce the aggressions of imperialism, and especially the leading part played by the US Their fiery words are even combined with cosmetic operations, like the recent nationalisation of the banks.

This apparently radical move has in fact relieved the anxieties of the international bankers. These exploiters and parasites are now looking forward confidently to generous compensation for their undertakings, which had been wrecked and virtauly drained of funds in the disruption of the revolution.

Within Iran, it is the national minorities who have SO tar learned most sharply and bitterly how tenuously Khomeini is committed to democracy.

Fiercely repressed by the Shah's dictatorship, these oppressed peoples have surged forward with their demands for national rights and freedom.

But the Turkmenis, Kurds and Arabs have won only vague and useless promises from the religious leaders, while they have been attacked and slaughtered by the "Revolutionary Guards" and the remnants of the Shah's imperial Khomeini Their confrontations with Khomeini's Islamic leadership and Bazargan's bourgeois cabinet have shown the pattern of conflict that will be followed ae athar damneratic mavements come forward.

But Khomeini has already moved further on to the offensive in his bid to gain absolute power by brazenly brushing aside promises of an elected constituent assembly.

Constitution Instead, his self-appointed and dictatorial Revolutionary Committee' will draft the constitution of an 'Islamic Republic' , ensure that it is ratified by a carefully selected assembly, and then present it for approval in a referendum with a simple "Yes/No' alternative for voting.

All opposition will be branded as treachery to the Khomeini's recent proclamations have centred on the need for a crusade against those 'atheists' who seek to obstruct the building of the Islamic Republic' . All insults to the clergy' are now to be subject to the religious authority of the revolutionary tribunals with their violent and arbitrary justice.

Apparatus

These moves are all part of a campaign to consolidate the power of the apparatus which supports the present regime. • While Bazargan makes loud but futile protests about the undermining of his government's authority. the 'Revolutionary Committee is grasping to hold all the reins of power in its hand.

The strength of the tribunals has been boosted, while work goes on to build new armed forces from the fragments of the Shah's army and the 'revolutionary guards' , which directly represent the religious leaders.

Khomeini is strivina to impose a counter-revolutionary dictatorship on the development of the Iranian revolution, and plunge the oppressed masses into a new period of reaction and barbarism.

But that dictatorship has not yet been imposed, and opposition is growing to the threat of counter-revolution from within Iran.

At present in Tehran and other major liberal and ra professional and clerical taking the Khomeini's tyranny.

cities, it is the dical sec ion of the petty b ourgeoisie workers who are lead in opposing progress towards Shah Although they played a major part in the strikes and mobilisations which overthrew the Shah, these layers were the most highly educated and most secular within Iranian society.

They had little sympathy with the Islamic leaders, and today they are the loudest in demanding the constituent assembly, an end to media censorship and other basic democratic rights.

Much of Khomeini's fire has been directed at their opposition and their political leaders, while the mullahs have organised large demonstrations in support of the Islamic republic.

Some of the least organised and least politically conscious sections of the working class have even been mobilised in this form, since Khomeini has used crude populist rhetoric to present the democratic demands as a threat to the revolution of the workers and peasants.

Tirades

But at the same time the religious leaders have stepped up their tirades against communism and they have directed the anger of the demonstrations above all against the forces of the left.

The workers of Iran have no interest in supporting either faction in the power struggle between Khomeini and Bazargan. But nor can they afford to stand passively by while the architects of the new reaction seek to destroy all democratic opposition.

It was the strength of the Iranian working class which toppled the Shah, above all through its independent class action in the massive strikes.

Many of the strike committees formed in that period still control factories and other important sectors of industry.

They exist in a state of constant tension with the 'revolutionary guards"-it was an attack by guards on strikers in Khuzestan which led recently to the huge riots and demonstrations of the Arab population.

Soviets

These committees can form the basis of soviets and workers® militias to challenge the authority of the 'Islamic Revolution' and that potential must be developed.

The revolution in Iran has reached a crucial stage, a crossroads where there are many turnings but only one road that can lead the Iranian masses forward to freedom from oppression and exploitation.

What is needed in Iran now, and more urgently every day, is a revolutionary party that can lead the working class forward with its allies in the peasantry and petty bourgeoisie to secure democracy by establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat and laying the basis for socialism.

Without the building of such a party, armed and determined to fight with a programme of transitional and democratic demands, the forces of religious and bourgeois reaction will be able to roll back the advances of the Iranian revolution and enthrone their own counterrevolutionary dictatorship.

* For a constituent assembly, freely elected by universal adult suffrage!

* For a secular state! all power from the clergy!

No to Khomeini's army! Completely disband the forces of the Shah, and build workers® militia to defend the revolution against reaction.

For the building of soviets based on the factory and strike committees!

* No secret trials! For open hearings before the courts of the soviets.

* Self determination for the Kurds and all oppressed nationalities within Iran.

Full democratic rights for women! For an end to all sexual oppression and discrimination.

* For the immediate nationalisation of the banks and all major capitalist holdings. No compensation to the exploiters! For workers' management!

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-INTERNATION 'Final offensive' in In the last ten days the civil war in Nicaragua has taken a dramatic turn with the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) launching a 'final offensive' against the bloody and bankrupt Somoza regime.

As of Sunday 10th June this offensive does indeed appear to be on the verge of overthrowing Somoza.

The regime exercises only nominal control in the capital Managua and the guerrillas control the city of Masaya, only 14 miles from Managua, the country's second city Leon, and the important towns of Chinandega and Jinotega.

Air-lifting

In the east a remarkable development has been the airlifting of Sandinistas from Costa Rica to capture the Atlantic port of Puerto Cabezas.

Major battles are taking place in the north around Esteli and in the south on the Costa Rican border where a large guerrilla force is advancing inland.

According to a newsman in Managua "It looks as if the whole country is catching fire".

This latest offensive began over the weekend of 2nd3rd June with a general strike being declared in the capital on Monday the 4th. The strike has been thoroughly successful.

Two thousand of Somoza's 13,000-strong National Guard were deployed to protect scab labour but many of the soldiers have now been sent to the front since the close down of the city is virtually complete.

Curtew

There is a 8 p.m. to 4 a.m. curfew but at night the streets are the domain of armed revalutionary youth who moved to a full urban offensive on the night of Friday 8th June.

The guerrillas claim to have shot down five enemy aircraft and killed 300 guardsmen. These claims may be exaggerated, but US observers admit that the Guard has suffered very great losses, is extremely demoralised, and on the verge of collapse.

Somoza has responded to the crisis by crawling out of his Managua 'Bunker" for the first time to visit his troops at the front-line in the south. He him. self admits that this is "the worst crisis yet".

The forces of the FSLN now number around 5,000, as against 1,300 last September. In addition to this "Popular Brigades" has been established amongst the population and these are taking an active part in the struggle.

Hostile

The vast majority of the people, of course, remains unalterably hostile to Somoza. The question of power now rests almost entirely on posses. sion of arms.

The turning point in the war was the capture of Masaya on Wednesday 6th June by a 400 strong FSLN force. The Guard has been concentrating its forces in a counter-attack and bombarding the city incessantly.

in order to maintain the attack on this vital centre Somoza has dispatched his son to buy more weapons in the US, presumably in the hope that it will follow the lead of the IMF which granted him a credit of $65.7 millions in May to retinance loans made to shore up the crippled economy.

Somoza has also threatened war against Costa Rica which has been aiding the FSLN. isolated attacks by the Guard have already taken place up to ten miles over the border.

This has brought direct military support from Venezuela and Panama to the Costa Rican regime.

On the other hand, Nicaragua is a member of the Inter-Central American Defence Force CONDECA and troops from El Salvador have been seen fighting alongside the Guard.

It is not unlikely that the military dictatorships of Honduras and Guatemala will come to Somoza's aid at this critical juncture.

This serves to emphasise enormous international im of the Nicaraguan revolution which threatens to overturn the balance of power throughout Central America.

The liberation struggle of the Nicaraguan masses has in the last week advanced the war against imperialism immeasurably. It is for this reason crucial that the final offensive" should succeed and lead to the struggle for the completion of the socialist revolution in This would open the door for a score of further such offensives throughout Central and Latin America.

- GUATE GUATE loss of their support to the CP which this might involve.

So Italian capitalism DURAS CARAGUA AAN COSTA MIC