Workers Socialist League

Socialist Press, Trotskyism Today and the Trotskyist International Liaison Committee, 1975–1984

Dominica crisis spurs Post union bales on Caribbean force out Lyncl

Socialist Press no. 157, 4 July 1979 · scan pp. 3–4 · about 1,849 words

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Shah's troops could not hold back Iranian masses: can Khomeini and Bazargan? are planning joint security measures in an attempt to preserve their shaky regimes.

The overthrow of the Gairy regime in Granada earlier this year appears to have prompted a speedier conclusion to discussions aimed at setting up the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS).

Cabinet status

One proposal is for the establishment of a regional police force of 120 under a Commissioner General who will be given the status of a Cabinet minister by all the islands involved.

Most of these islands have radical or socialist groups similar to the New Jewel Movement which overthrew Gairy in Grenada and the aim of the regional police force would be to prevent such groups from attempting to follow the example of Maurice Bishop's New Jewel Movement.

Such a force, however, will come too late to save Mr Patrick John who has finally been replaced as prime minister of Dominica.

The Shah may have temporarily escaped death by assassination in Mexico.

But the risks which he runs in his luxury-lined exile bear no comparison with the dangers confronted by the exploited masses of Iran.

Formerly oppressed by imperialism through the tyranny of the Shah, the workers and other oppressed classes in Iran now face the monstrous threat of counter-revolutionary dictatorship from Khomeini and his 'Revolutionary Council' The Islamic regime has proclaimed the formation of local councils throughout the country, with strictly limited powers and jurisdiction.

Opposition

This move is an obvious, forced response to the continuing demand for greater demoCracy, and an attempt to establish local bases of authority for the Khomeini regime.

The councils are designed to counter-balance the continuing strength of the factory committees and strike committees.

As such they stand in sharp opposition to the necessary demand that soviets of workers power be built from these existing organisations of independent working class strength:

At the same time, the limits of the councils' authority is nakedly exposed by the continuing repression of the national minorities who are demanding the right to self-determination, through autonomy within or independence from the Iranian state.

At present it is the Arabs in Khuzestan who are experiencing the sharpest edge of Khomeini's 'freedom from tyranny' with attacks from the armed forces and 'revolutionary guards' As media censorship is enforced, the rights of political freedom of expression and organisation are violently denied to the left wing opposition.

Members and supporters of MAARTEN TAITS EVISO MONTSERRAT® •BARBUDA •ANTIGUA & GUADELOUPI I DOMNICe MARTINIQU ST. VINCENT & ST. LUCIA ibb GRENADAÓ PrORAGO TRINIDAD As the head of the reactionary Dominican Labour Party government, John was attempting to introduce legislation to limit the right to strike and tighten the libel laws.

General strike

Massive demonstrations in which a man and a baby were killed by police gave way to a four week general strike in an outburst of discontent which brought together all sections of Dominican society.

During the strike the Fedayeen, the HKS (Socialist Workers Party, jointly formed by the USFI and OCRFI), and even the Stalinist Tudeh Party are beaten up on demonstrations by reactionary thugs, and arrested without charges or trials by the 'Revolutionary Committees' and their henchmen.

In this proionged crisis of intensifying repression, another area of struggle is developing.

Economic demands of course played a major part in the overthrow of the Shah.

Exaggerated by the policies of his tyranny, the world economic crisis of capitalism struck heavy blows against the working class in Iran.

Political forms

Many thousands of industrial workers were engaged in strikes last year which began with claims for higher wages and improved working conditions, then rapidly developed into directly political forms of action.

Now, cloaked in its necessary secrecy, the 'Revolutionary Council' has prepared its first death until an international campaign won him a reprieve, managed to escape from jail amidst the confusion.

Lasted one day

A former member of John's government, Mr Oliver Seraphine, who resigned to set up his own political party after hearing of links between the government and South Africa, has been appointed the new prime minister and will head an administration of various parties until fresh elections are organised.

The departure of the island's President, Mr Fred Degazon to Britain at the height of the crisis prevented John being immediately replaced since nobody had the authority to appoint a successor.

The next President, Sir Louis Cools Lartique only lasted a day, resigning after demonstrators attacked his home.

Eventually a President was successfully appointed and he in turn appointed Mr Seraphine as prime minister. budget-and itself admits that this is not 'revolutionary'.

• The two main provisions concern state expenditure and nationalisation. Government spending is to be slashed by some 30%.

National' etfort

Although the form and level of this expenditure under the Shah's dictatorship was a major factor in the economic crisis, such a move in itself will do nothing to improve the lot of the exploited workers.

On the contrary, it is designed to stabilise the economy for capitalist development.

Even then, it can be effective only if the cost is borne by the workers, peasants and petty bourgeoisie.

It will not be long before Khomeini and Bazargan issue rousing appeals for a 'national' effort to resolve the crisis while they seek to impose 'austerity' measures mirroring those of every other capitalist government.

Policies for wage-cutting, increasing productivity and reducing manning levels through The strike by Irish leaders last week after nineteen weeks.

The sell-out was a move to bail out the Lynch The union leadership accepted an offer of 15%, with a 12% increase for clerical workers, against a 37% claim.

On the The deal came at the end of several days talks between Irish Posts and Telegraph Minister, Faulkner, and the industrial relations committee of the Irish Congress of Trades Unions.

The deal hatched up at these talks was then accepted by the ex ecutive of the Post Office V 'orkers Union. redundancies are the solution which these revolutionary' leaders will hold out in the immediate future.

Equally, the planned nationalisations have nothing to do with socialism.

In many cases (notably insurance), they simply consolidate the massive state ownership already developed under the Shah's rule.

In other sectors, state ownership is proposed where the previous owners and managers have fled the country, and production is either at a standstill or at present controlled by the factory committees.

Total threat

Of course there is no intention of allowing workers' control, let alone workers' management in these concernsquite the reverse, for the bourgeois and Islamic leaders are fully conscious of the total threat this would pose to their power.

The 'Revolutionary Council' is partly motivated by this threat and partly by a design to Lynch The determination of the ICTU to bring the massively powerful strike to an end was due to the fact that the labour bureaucrats are now firmly on the spot over wages.

Having rejected the 'understanding' proposed by the Lynch government in increase its controi t brough economic influence.

But above all, it is the economic factor which has driven them to this step.

Like any 'radical' nationalist regime, and in common with every capitalist government, they have been faced with the necessity of taking into state ownership those industries which are vital to the national economy, yet which cannot be organised profitably by private capital.

Khomeini and Bazargan are seeking to reconstruct capitalism in Iran on a new basis after the trauma of the revolution against the Shah.

They must be fought every inch of the way in the struggle to end the oppression and exploitation of the Iranian masses, Demands for full employment, improved conditions and higher wages will be starting points in these battles.

At the same time, the bogus 'nationalisations' must be countered by the demand for the nationalisation, under workers' management without compensation, of the oil industry, banks and all major capitalist holdings in the struggle to build socialist planned economy.

The immediate threat to the Iranian revolution does not come from the imperialist power ranged outside, but from the forces of reaction within, and from the crisis of leadership in the working class.

Unity behind Khomeini can lead only to a massive setback and bloody defeat for those forces who fought so heroically against the Shah for their liberation.

The fragile gains already made can be secured and developed to a far higher level only by the independent strength of the proletariat, uniting all the oppressed masses behind the banner of its class dictatorship, and organised in its struggles by the leadership of a revolutionary party armed with the transitional programme for socialist revolution. the hope that Lynch would offer them something a little more saleable, the ICTU leaders were faced with a unilateral 7% pay ceiling from the government.

The first challenge to this pay policy is likely to be 55,000 building workers who have put in a 25% pay claim.

Action by other powerful sections of workers over pay would bring to an end the isolation the postal workers have faced through the nineteen weeks.

Carbon copy

The Lynch pay policy is almost a carbon copy of the ill-fated Phase 4 of the Labour government in Britain, complete with 'sanctions' on contracts against employers who settle outside it.

The Irish economy is in crisis with the pound falling lower against sterling and interest rates jacked up by between 1¼ and 22%.

Inflation is rocketing and the growth rate promised at 6.5% this year, has been downrated to 5%.

The first indication that the ICTU and UPW leaders were preparing to call off the action-which has brought post and telephone services to a halt in the Republic-came with the calling off of a march by the Dublin Trades Council in support of their demands.

Militancy

The last march called by the trades council against tax increases was massively supported and caused a virtual one-day general strike through Dublin.

The AUEW had proposed a one week general strike in support of the POWU-a move which reflects the militancy within their own ranks over wages.

Warning

Ireland, as in Britain who were unable to come out clearly against strikers, have isolated each strike by refusing to allow the struggle to become generalised.

For whatever bureaucratic reasons their call had been made, the AUEW had effectively challenged that policy and cut across scabbing that had started on the Post Office strike, for example by the ETU which had instructed members to deliver electricity bills.

The betrayal of the postal workers is a warning to other Irish workers who are preparing to fight over wages.

The warning is not that they should not fight, but that they need a political leadership which will not stop short of challenging the government's ability to govern.

To create such a leadership a major battle is now needed against the union leaders, who act as that government's agents.

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postal workers was called off by union

for the whole period of wage controls, union leaders

← Contents of Socialist Press no. 157, 4 July 1979