Iran regime declares war on Marxist left-win

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Islamic regime now set against independent mass movement tarv rommittese and ctrike ram. spare parts and ammunition for Bazargan and his bourgeois cabinet in Iran have declared open season on their self-styled Marxist' opponents in the Fedayeene-Khalq.

The prime minister last week denounced the Fedayeen as traitors to the 'revolutionary' government, and so stamped his seal of approval on the persecution of left-wing forces which has been unleashed through the 'revolutionary committees' Members of the Fedayeen have been arrested and imprisoned by the 'revolutionary guards', ', their mobilisations have been attacked by gangs of reactionaries, set on beating up and driving them off the Sharp blows in this campaign have also been struck at the HKS (Socialist Workers Party, supported by both the USFI and OCRFI), nine of whose members have been arrested (see page 4).

Khomeini, Bazargan and their supporters are aiming to destroy any and every organisation which claims to represent the independent class interests of the proletariat, and works to organise opposition to the 'Islamic Republic' Armed attacks 'Revolutionary guards' have launched armed attacks against strikers, and the whole apparatus of local 'revolutionary' committees and tribunals stands in real opposition to the demands of workers and their independent organisation in facNU LUIIT mittees.

The budget announced by Bazargan's cabinet shows quite clearly the direction which these 'revolutionary' leaders wish to follow, but also points to the major obstacles blocking their path.

After the colossal spending of the Shah's dictatorship, state expenditure has been reduced by about one fifth.

This include a main out back in purchases on arms to around one third of its previous annual level.

But at nearly €500 million, this is still a massive sum.

By building up stocks of existing equipment and weapons, • Khomeini and Bazargan are fully determined to ensure the efficiency of the army they are building from the 'revolutionary guards' and the remnants of the Shah's armed They need such an army to suppress with violence the movements for self-determination of the Kurds and the other oppressed national minorities.

And ahnue all they near an army to impose their counterrevolutionary dictatorship on the Iranian revolution and the working class which formed the driving force in those struggles.

Large sums have also been allocated to honour the payment of arms contracts made by the Pahlavi tyranny.

This in itself is enough to expose the sham radicalism of the nationalisations proposed.

These measures (like earlier moves in relation to banking and insurance) must be seen in the context of the continuing economic and political crisis within Iran.

A major part of the nationalisations are scheduled for sectors which were already massively dominated by direct state ownership or the personal control of the Shah's family.

Some nationalisations have been used as a form of political control against major capitalists who supported the Shah and depended for their profitable survival on his tyranny.

But the main thrust of the nationalisations has been determined by the activity of the working class.

Over the last year, huge numbers of capitalists and managers have been, forced to flee Iran as workers took prolonged strike action, and moved in to occupy factories and establish workers control.

When Bazargan talks about 'inefficient' companies, he is referring to areas which experienced such developments and where workers are no longer directly subjected to capitalist exploitation and the drive for profits.

These occupations are much more than just an economic threat to a regime determined to establish capitalism on a new footing in Iran.

As embryonic forms of workers' power, the strike committees and workers' committees represent a major political threat which must be crushed if Khomejni and Bazargan are to hold on to power.

This knowledge has forced them to respond to workers' demands for an end to economic exploitation by these distorted 'nationalisations' These concessions will be transformed into outright attacks if the working class does not reject their government and mobilise its independent strength behind a revolutionary leadership to establish a workers and peasants government in Iran.

Eanes But those two parties together don't have a majority.

Of course, the one possible parliamentary maj» ority which no-one is daring to mention is a coalition of the Socialist and Communist parties, a possibility which would be outlawed by the bourgeoisie and the army.

This is not of course because of the policies of the leaders of the two main workers' parties (which are no threat to capitalism) but because of the way such a government would arouse working class expectations and demands.

The alternatives for the bourgeoisie, however, are not any more satisfactory.

The ending of the parliamentary system and the reimposition of full military rule (recently foreshadowed in à speech by Eanes) would provoke massive workers' and peasants' resistance.

The other "solution"immediate parliamentary elections a year before they are due-is a double risk.

For one thing it will allow the masses to speak speak after a long period when both the bourgeoisie and the labour bureaucracies have been trying to silence them.

But second, elections are more than likely to confirm the present parliamentary impasse, just as they have done in Italy.

Nonetheless, Eanes seemed this week on the brink of calling electionsnot because he expects them to resolve the political crisis, but because he cannot think of anything else to do.

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JULLALIJITALSD. eunesar ii duii Last week a no-jury special court in Belfast gave the British, army and its undercover SAS squads unrestricted licence to kill PHOTO: Derek Speirs, IFL