Confusion on Left Assists Peruvian Dictatorship

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The Peruvian General Strike of July 1977 opened convulsive period of workers mobilisation which has continued to remain in force ever since, although it has varied in intensity during different periods.

This thic was sup arted the caprialist parties, unt ut which, APRA, controls the Confederation of Peruvian Workers (CTP), and also by the Stalinists of the Peruvian Communist Party who control the most important workers confederation, the CGTP.

This left the dictatorship with no social base whatsoever.

: President Morales Bermudez' military government succeeded to some extent in restraining the development of this opposition by buying off the political parties with the promise of elections to a constituent assembly in July 1978, so that although working class mobilisation continued almost unabated, it did so without political Overall majority The assembly opened on 28 July with the bourgeois parties gaining the overall majority as expected, (particularly APRA and the PPC), but the left taking 34% of the votes.

The most successful electoral force on the left was FOCEP, a front which includes on its left wing, three 'Trotskyist' parties -the PRT (the official USFI section led by Hugo Blanco), the PST (the section in support of the Bolshevik Faction of the USF!, led by Enrique Fernandez Chacon) and the POMR (the section of the OCRFI, led by DIRECTOR HUGO BLANCO Blanco-calling for unity, temporary retreat by the working class.

The left was divided over what position to take; there were conflicting calls for a general strike, for the setting up of soviets and a popular assembly and for immediate elections by various sections coupled with a resounding silence from the Stalinists.

'ERSARIO DEL VAMOS A LI IARIATEGUI UNIFICACION TROTSKISTA ION URLANIZADURA DEL PARTIDO UNS IC. $20. SEGRIN PERDANA D LNEERMAGONAL 8 - 8.18 but furthering confusion In January 1979, when the Stalinists finally called a three day general stoppage, the divisions and infighting of the left and the opposition of the CTP meant that no firm leadership was given and the strike had to be lifted on the second day through lack of support.

The Constituent Assembly dissolved in July 1979 after approving a bourgeois constitution and making arrangements to increase the number of deputies in the APRA strongholds for the general elections and reduce representation from the radical constituencies.

A united front of the workers parties was formed behind the call for a one day general strike on July 19—with the • support of both the Stalinists and the Maoists.

mincere of this strike Stalinists in !%. e movement, unusual in daun America where workers organisations are generally controlled by the nationalist parties.

Declining

No concrete gains were made despite the rapidly declining standard of living of the working class-the minimum wage can buy only half of the government definition of a family shopping basket, and official figures put malnutrition at 65% of the population which makes such gains imperative to the survival of the class.

The level of violence from the troops was also evident with at least three deaths and three thousand arrests on that day alone.

Unfortunately the left now seem to be more concerned over the coming general elections (fixed for July of next year) than the disorganised but still continuing mobilisation of the working class.

In August Ledesma signed an electoral pact with the PSR (one of the bourgeois parties proscribed in the founding document of the FOCEP, a populist 'left' military grouping) and the PCP, simultaneously expelling the Bolshevik Faction's PST.

He was forced to retract this arbitrary expulsion, but the internal battles of the FOCEP still rage over the entry of the PSR and whether the left candidate for the coming elections should be Ledesma, Blanco or even Barrantes of the UDP.

Primaries

The most bizarre solution to he impasse must be that of the . i who propose "socialist pretiections" on the model of the North American presidential primaries, in which even members of the bourgeois parties will be invited to participate!

While these electoral party games continue, the teachers strike continued well into its fourth month.

Their union, SUTEP, (controlled by the Maoist Patria Roja) remains unofficial despite a membership of 130,000.

At least 5,000 of the strikers have been sacked, hundreds have been arrested including their leadership, and there have been scores of deaths during the daily demonstrations which take to the streets and occupy schools, embassies, offices of international organisations and often wind up late at night marching on the gates of the presidential palace.

Rivalry

The political rivalry between the Stalinists and the Maoists is reflected in the lack of effective support for the teachers by the CGTP affiliated unions.

Last month 32 'left' political and union leaders-including the Trotskyists' began a hunger strike as a substitute for effective support for SUTEP, and this was backed up by calls from the AP and the PPC and various religious leaders for the government to "find a solution to the teachers strike"

Radical

The hunger strikes spread all over the country, numbers reaching 300 at one stage, backed up in some of the more radical provincial cities such as Ayacucho, Cusco and Arequipa by one and two day general stoppages.

Unsurprisingly this propagandist approach affected the government not one whit-in fact the spectacle of the entire left leadership quietly starving to death together in the same building behind massive police protection must have afforded them considerable satisfaction.

Wide forces

• That hunger strike is now over, although others continue different parts of the country.

Its aim was to draw together the widest range of forces behind the teachers strike, but although this helped the morale of the strikers when their strength was showing signs of flagging, it was no substitute for effective organisation "of supporting strike action to force the government to recognise the union and negotiate a settlement on the teachers' terms.

As we go to press, we hear that the strike has now ended, with no concessions having been won from the dictatorship and the union still denied recognition.