Students hit back at racist fee rises
Socialist Press1979 1979-11-14Read it in the scan (PDF), scan page 5 →
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Students-driven into action by Tory attacks A mass demonstration was staged by Manchester and Salford students on Wednesday 31 October against the vicious increases in fees for overseas students and the continued unfair differentials between them and home students.
And last week Manchester University, Salford_ University and Manchester Polytechnic students' unions occupied administrative buildings in twenty-four hour 'sit-in' demonstrations.
Tory orators
The decision for the Salford occupation was taken by the Students Union at a well attended General Meeting on Tuesday 6 November despite impassioned outbursts by one of the Federation of Conservative Students' liveliest orators.
He called on members to resist this "ludicrous proposal" by the Fees Action Committee.
minority committee proposal, put forward by 'left reformist' 'Shaun O'Hara, the full time External Affairs Officer, called for an occupation "at some future unspecified date" in order to gain a "surprise" advantage over the college authorities!
It was defeated.
Prolonged negotiations had taken place between the Fees Action Committee and the Salford University Vice-Cha ncellor since the beginning of erm.
Fee strike
The Vice-Chancellor had persistently refused to take negotiations seriously and remained unmoved even after a proposal for a fees strike had been unanimously carried at a Students' Union General Meeting.
The students correctly responded by calling for immediate occupation of the University's administrative building-a call which was passed by the neces sary two-thirds majority of members present.
The chairman declared the meeting over and amid cheers from left wingers including a strong IMG caucus, instructed members to occupy at once.
The Conservative dominated Salford University Students Union has rarely been renowned for such militant action.
However, it is a foregone conclusion that any victory celebrations will prove to have been premature.
The occupation has fundademands are met.
Nor was the occupation linked to an academic strike by students-and thus the occupation was weakened by less conscious students deserting to attend lectures and tutorials.
And the organising committee failed to enter into immediate negotiations with trade unions representing administrative staff and university teachers to press for supporting strike action.
But many of the Salford students who took part in the occupations will now have savoured their first real struggle against the ruling class.
The leadership must be developed that will build on this invaluable experience and map out the next step in a united struggle in which students and workers join to fight Tory cuts and racial discrimination.
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Ford strikers-their nine week struggle had more impact than any press release 10%." Dromey calling for support McShane acknowledges on the Garner's picket line Denis McShane locates himself in the radical left of the early "70s.
He was one of the NUJ militants who prided themselves on putting action before dogma; and who had a mystical concept of 'real trade unionism' which they struggled to achieve.
Like many of his co-thinkers McShane is now firmly on the rungs of Labour Party/TUC ladder to success.
Press freedom
A left reputation combined with an increasing awareness of the needs of the labour bureaucracy's machine has ideally equipped him to become one of the most regular speakers and writers on 'press freedom' at TUC meetings.
His past relies on support for picket lines. His future is already mapped out in the Tribune group of Labour MPs.
His book Using the Media, is fast becoming • a trade union bureaucrat's bible and it admirably demonstrates the familiar parabola of his career.
It exemplifies the dead end road of reformism, festooned as it is with anticapitalist banners, while it heads firmly and unyieldingly away from conflict with the capitalist class.
The book is subtitled 'How to deal with the press, television and radio' and it parades before trade union officials the prospect of an unending round of radio phone-ins, television interviews and cosy heart to hearts with progressive journalists on the virtues and reasonableness of the latest wage claim.
Locked into capitalism PHOTO: Laurence Sparham, IFL not portray themselves as 'stereotypes of shop stewards' who give themselves away by 'surly uncooperative responses' "Dealing with the media can mean doing unnatural things. Although suspicion is justified and a watchful attitude always necessary, it is essential to try to make personal and friendly contact with journalists.
"A trade union official will have to give a home phone number to journalists -something which may be kept a close secret from colleagues and members [!] -and yet it is that home phone number which may make all the difference between a favourable and unfavourable story being published."
(Better make sure however that the friendly journalist does not leak the number to members. There is nothing more off putting for a union official preparMcShane says:
"Labour correspondents wrote about how impressive it was and its publication gave the union a commanding position at the start of negotiations".
There is no mention here of one other factor which might have been helpful to Ford workers-namely a nine week official strike or the press coverage that received.
Of the many tables published the one of most interest is on the reading pattern of trade union officials which runs as follows:
"Guardian 65%; Mirror 45%; Morning Star 35%; Times 30%; Sun 25%; Telegraph 20%; Financial Times 15%; Express 10%; Mail dila * TYULTO 29 1D Pa2 the Morning Star's significance in terms of "communicating with influential activists in the trade union movement"
He is unable to explain the political reasons why the Morning Star should be regular reading for one in three of all union officials.
McShane's own easy accomodation to the Stalinist and left-talking bureaucracy -who would give 100% backing of his division of the world into 'progressive' and reactionary' tendencies-is also evident from the frequency with which the name of Jack Dromey-darling of the Morning Star-appears in the book.
A press release from INVASE is used-to praise the format in which the release is sent out.
It would not occur to McShane to examine the blocking role that Dromey actually played in the Garners dispute.
Nor, prudently, does he consider the tiny handful of pickets actually mobilised by Dromey in the Garners fight -for all his deft handling of press releases. In fact more were mobilised by WSL members through word of mouth and the campaign conducted in Socialist Press!
Of the Grunwick dispute McShane acknowledges that press coverage was "distorted in favour of the management and police" but urges that this should not result in any reaction.
"The strikers and pickets were bitterly angry, and justifiably so, at some of the disgracefully unfair reporting of the Grunwick mass picket, but Dromey and the strike committee wisely swallowed their anger long enough to go on holding the daily press conference.
«Even if the newspapers did not print their comments fully, at least the iournalists would not have the excuse that no-one was willing to talk to them about the strikers' point of view."
This he compares favourably with the power workers in 1977.
'The unofficial strike committee would not be interviewed and tried to remain anonymous.
"It is certainly true that news coverage was bound to be hostile because of the disruption caused, and because the action was unofficial.
"But by not talking and trying to remain anonymous ... the workers missed a chance to put over their case...
"Holding a daily news conference would not have won the media over to the side of workers, but ITN and BBC TV news and all the press would show interviews explaining the grievance, instead of relying on employers, politicians and other bureaucrats, all of whom wanted to see the strike defeated."
The power workers' strong class position is unfavourably compared with the ability of witch-hunting right winger Frank Chapple to use the media.
McShane would • not recognise a class division if it landed on his head.
It was not Chapple's ability to use the media
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PHOTO: John Sturrock, Report Renort
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