Workers' Leaders Endorse Spanish Anti-union Laws

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observed Carrillo with his usual nine hours.

CEOE." Duties-"to fulfil work obliga opportunist offensive by the CP gence"

the "Marxists" in the PSOE by sex. right wing leader Felipe Redundancy-virtually no the CP. constitute grounds for legal But since the CP's "oppos- sacking.

giving. the green light to wards.

The Spanish parliament, the Cortes, is at present working out the details of one of the most systematic and minutely calculated legislative attacks on the working class ever enacted.

It is called the Workers' Statute (Estatuto del Trabajador).

The statute consists of the establishment of minimum 'norms for wages, conditions, holidays, trade union rights and collective bargaining arrangements.

The statute is made to look likè a series of reforms.

But in fact. its minimum standards are far below those gained in struggle by the working class in some cases even under Franco's dictatorship.

And beyond the almost wholly fake reforms the Statute specifies the duties of workers to their employers; places all kinds of restrictions on free trade union activities including the right to strike; and grants all kinds of anti-working class rights to employers.

Collaboration

If it is enforced, the Statute will undermine in a fundamental Way the rights of free and independent trade union organisation for which workers in Spain have been struggling ever since the declining years of Franco's own dictatorship.

The Statute is being steered through the parliament by the governing party, the UCD (Centre Democratic Union).

But the UCD is receiving the fullest possible collaboration of the largest of the parties which allegedly represents the working class, the PSOE (Socialist After two days of strong verbal opposition to the UCD in the debates on the statute, the PSOE suddenly fell quiet and began presenting only "responsible" amendments.

This was clearly the result of a secret deal between the UCD and PSOE. leaders, the details of which have not been revealed but which is a further step towards coalition government.

The PSOE is now wholeheartedly in favour of the principle of regulating every Carrillo possible detail of the class struggle in Spain by legislation enforceable through the legal apparatus of the bourgeois state.

The PSOE has presented hundreds of amendments to the statute, but has uttered not a single word against it in principle, and has voted against hardly any of its provisions.

The PSOE is thus engaged upon a -massive nationwide exercise in "participation" and class collaboration of the most treacherous kind.

As the PSOE members of parliament help to vote through the statute, their close allies in the bureaucracy of the UGT, one of Spain's two main trade union federations, have signed a wide-ranging agreement with the bosses' organisation, the CEOE, CBi Sanish equivalent of thié These developments have led to something of a reversal of the previous roles of the reformist (PSOE/UGT) and Stalinist (CP/ Workers Commissions) bureaucracies.

During the immediate period after Franco's death it was the CP • led by Santiago Carrillo, which took up the most shameless right wing, class collabora. tionist position-publicly favouring the monarchy and the Suarez government; breaking strikes, and sabotaging demonstrations.

Of course the PSOE did share; but it took advantage the CP's gross collaboration put on a "left" face on some the issues-like the monarchy. Today the PSOE leaders have handed the "left" mask over to the CP and the Workers Commissions.

"Opposition"

In parliament, the Workers Felipe Gonzalez embraces Suarez mentary debates on the Statute. "Some radical currents"

government and with the • All this is part of a major to cash in on 'the recent rout of Gonzalez, and the crisis and weakening of most of the parties and groups to the left of ition" is a totally unprincipled one, it may easily disappear as soon as it appeared.

If the present tactic looks working class mobilisations.which would threaten the unwritten pact. between the workers' party leaders and the "democr 4.- 2OWgeoisie- n, safely predicted that Carrillo and Camacho would in no time at all do one of their famous 180 degree flips.

Already there is speculation that the UCD will decide to "buy off" CP opposition by accepting two or three CP amendments and getting the "reluctant" agreement of the CP bureaucracy to the Statute as a whole.

So it is plain that for Spanish workers to let the CP lead the campaign against the Statute wQuld be a disaster A massive independent Ca mobilisation is needed against a government policy which the CP agrees with in principle-state regulation of wages and conorganisations.

Some of the provisions of the Statute passed so far.

Overtime-forbidden for workers under 18; no more than two hours a day for other workers, rates to be at least 75% over ordinary hours.

Holidays-23 days a year minimum, 30 days for workers under 18 and over 60.

Weekend-minimum of 1½ days off work.

Minimum wage-will be fixed by government every six m onths. Probationary peri ›ds-two refused to mobilise the working Suarez with admirers weeks for unskilled workers. Working day-no more than Working weck-43 hours. the right to free trade unions, to. collective bargairilig, to strike.

tions with good faith and diliEqual pay—no discrimination by control of redundancies; even absence from work for "justified" reasons leg. illness) can Elected workers representatives are protected from arbitrary sacking during their term of office and for on year after-

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