[Tory conference: what next after defeating Thatcher? As…]

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Tory conference: what next after defeating Thatcher?

As the Tory government presses ahead with a ruthless attack on workers rights and living standards, there is widespread sympathy and support for the call for mass action to bring them down.

But what is less clear to workers who have only just experienced five years of Labour cuts, Labour wage controls, and Labour government attacks on trade union and democratic rights, is what should replace the Tories.

Are we in favour of swapping Thatcher for Callaghan? If not, what policy do we advocate to break out of this vicious circle of Tory and right wing Labour governments?

Why is it that-at the present stage in the struggle-the WSL calls for the replacement of the Tories by a Labour government, and for workers to demand of that government a programme of socialist policies?

As a revolutionary socialist organisation, of course, the Workers Socialist League starts out from the necessity to mobilise the mass of the working class to overthrow the capitalist system, nationalise without compensation the privately owned banks, trusts, land, factories and other means of production, and destroy and dismantle the state apparatus set up by the capitalist class to protect that private property-the standing army, police, bourgeois courts and judiciary.

Facade We stand for the removal of the present disguised dictatorship of the bourgeoisie-marked under the facade of parliamentary democracy, in which all the real decisions are in fact taken by the capitalist class and its appointed state functionaries.

In its place we fight for the di catch the massive pretty ot. the population could impose its will upon the tiny minority of exploiters and reactionaries.

We fight for a socialist society in which democratic decisions are taken in elected workers' councils, and in which the economic resources and latest developments in technology can be planned and utilised for the benefit of the majority of the population in Britain and on a world scale.

But we know that this, communist, view is not at present shared by the majority of the working class. This comes as no surprise. There is a material reason for it.

Reformist For two centuries British workers like countless millions of workers throughout the world have time and again sought an answer to their problems through reformist, trade union struggles: struggles which have at times posed major crises for a confused and divided ruling class, but which have been contamable within the bounds of capitalist society.

It is in the nature of things that, sooner than face the daunting task of overthrowing the whole existing social order, workers will seek first of all to utilise any means which seem to offer an easier method of resolving their problems-seeking reforms within the system.

Workers seeking to defend and improve their conditions have continuously come into conflict with their exploiters; and in periods where capitalism has been expanding, certain concessions-some of them important concessions-have been won.

These concessions in turn reinforce the view that reforms within the system can provide for the needs of the working class.

Mass trade unions, reflecting this approach, have been formed.

Their leaders, however, thrust forward initially as the spokesmen for the demands of the workers, find themselves increasingly under pressure from and drawn into collaboration with the employers.

Transmission belt

From their national vantage point at the head of the workers movement these leaders then act as a brake upon the development . of working class consciousness.

Similarly mass reformist parties, such as the Labour Party, while to a certain extent reflecting aspirations of the working class for reforms obtained through Parliament, inevitably act as a transmission belt whereby the leading ranks are drawn increasingly into the machinery and institutions of the capitalist state and relay the views and ideology of the ruling class in the ranks of the workers themselves. &.

Under the combined influence of its reformist trade union and political leaders, whose personal. power and privileged bureaucratic positions rest upon the perpetuation of the capitalist system, the working class is continuously directed along lines of seeking piecemeal concessions from the capitalists or even using the capitalist state machinery to accomplish an illusory 'gradual' parliamentary transformation to "socialism"

But the present period is one of profound, historic crisis and dislocation of the world capitalist system, within which British capitalism, initially the dominant industrial power, is in particularly grave decline.

In place of the reforms and concessions it made in the past, the British capitalist class, represented openly by the Tory government, is now forced to stand at the forefront of an international bosses offensive designed to strip workers of jobs, rights and living standards in a hell-for-leather rush to restore profitability.

Those leaders who in the past have offered reforms within the system have now to persuade workers to cooperate with a worsening of their conditions in order to preserve the system: there are no serious reforms to be obtained.

It is in this crisis that the seeds are sown both for mass struggles that can bring down the Tory government, and for the political break by large sections of workers from the pipe-dreams and illusions peddled by their reformist leaders.

Tooth and To defend rights and living conditions that they have regarded as automatic in the last period, workers must now wage a tooth and nail battle against the employers, the Tories, and whole sections of the trade union and Labour bureaucracy. opposition of Labour's right wing leadership to industrial action designed to bring down the Tories or even to block them from implementing their reactionary election manifesto.

But just as workers in the winter of 1978-79 brushed aside the threats, appeals and pleading of the Callaghan government to stage a massive round of pay strikes that crushed the Labour government's 5% pay policy, it will be not so much Callaghan's protestations as the material forces at work upon and within the working class that will determine whether or not there is a development of mass strike action against the Tories.

Experience

In the course of such mass action large numbers of workers can, given a correct lead, make the kind of political development that is required. As Lenin pointed out:

"Revolution is impossible without a change in the views of the majority of the working class, and this change is brought about by the political experience of the masses, " and never by propaganda alone.

(Left Wing Communism)

The task before revolutionaries is therefore threefold: (a) fighting to develop and extend the partial struggles that erupt, to the level of mass class action against the Tory government; (b) fighting within such struggles to expose the inadequacy and treachery of the existing mass leaders of the working class; and (c) building a mass revolutionary party capable of leading the struggle for socialism.

It is to a large extent the success that revolutionaries have in the second of these tasks-the exposure of the existing leaders -that will determine the future Lenin course of the class struggle.

The exposure of the reformist leaders must take place under conditions of the struggle to bring down the Tories and to force through alternative, socialist, revolutionary policies which alone can meet the material needs of the working class.

The right wing of reformism stands increasingly opposed to any such struggle. It rejects moves designed to defeat the Tories, and itself eagerly embraces the same reactionary capitalist policies.

Fifth columnists

As the working class moves into battle against the main enemy, it will increasingly recognise the need to fight these fifth columnists within i its own ranks.

But at such a point the acute danger. is that in rejecting the right wing of Labourism; workers will be persuaded that the smooth-talking left' wing, with their verbal opposition to Callaghan and vague calls to bring down the Tories' can offer an answer to their problems.

This is why it is crucial for Marxists to focus on the exposure of the actual role which these 'lefts' play in practice as a cover for the right wing and as more 'militant' advocate of seeking socialism through parliamentary reforms.

The lefts' have no coherent alternative policy to counterpose to the Callaghan-Healey leadership: they are incapable of offering to workers the necessary principled lead. Their commitment to nationalism (im port controls) and to tinkering with the capitalist economy means that they must eventually collapse into the arms of the right wing.

We must ensure that workers are brought into conflict with these 'lefts' at the moment they pull back from the fight.

For this reason, without in the least bit peddling illusions in • 402 the 'lefts', , lt is necessary to give them critical support insolar as they speak out against and oppose the right wing, while at the same time pressing them to go further, and to put their left' words into practice.

Burnt out

We must direct the attention of woikers to the burnt-out shells of former lefts'-such as Michael Foot-who have abandoned the pretence of oppos ition to the right wing: and those that parade occasional 'left' speeches while keeping their heads down whenever a struggle erupts.

In this way we create conditions in which workers looking to their traditional leaders for a way forward against the Tories, experience the retreat of the lefts' from the necessary fight: and at the same time we spell out consistently the alternative revolutionary route that must be followed.

We call therefore at present for the return of a Labour government, but not one where Callaghan and Healey are simply allowed to return to the policies of 1974-79.

This is why we call on workers in Labour Parties and union branches to put down demands on the Labour 'lefts' to campaign for the removal of the Callaghan/Healey leadership, and for its replacement by leaders prepared to implement socialist policies.

Transitional demands And we combine this with propaganda and agitation for a system of transitional demands for the defence of jobs, wages and social services, and with the struggle to mobilise independent working class action on such demands.

And within such struggles we fight to direct workers to the building of independent organCallaghan

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Mass anti-nuclear demonstration in the USA isations to take forward the fight for their class interestselected strike committees, ơccupation •committees prices committees, , open the books committees and councils of action.

We stress that, as such bodies emerge and grow in scale and scope, they will come to represent the class strength of the working class, through which it can and must challenge.

the power of the capitalist class and the bourgeois state mach-| inery Classic left"Skinner"

As soon as such a development becomes a possibility, it will be essential-to combine demands on the Labour leaders with the fight to make them responsible to the councils of action, and the call for a government based not on the rigmarole of Parliamentary democracy, but on the tangible power and living demands of the organised working class.

Burnt out: Foot Insofar as any 'left' is prepared. to take up some or all of these demands and fight in the interests of the working class, we offer him or her critical support.

But at the same time we stress that the fight for these demands as a whole requires the revolutionary mobilisation of the working class-a task from which 'left' reformists shy away, and which requires the building of a mass, revolutionary party.

And we contrast to the class collaboration, confusion and betrayal of simply another Labour government under ar - Callaghan or a Benn the call for i a workers' government, a government responsive to the needs and demands of the workers' movement and committed to the struggle for workers' independent interests.

If we resolutely and successfully press the fight for a revol utionary party we are convinced | that in the course of the coming struggles and political experiences growing sections of workers will come to recognise with us that the only consistent workers' government is, in fact, the dictatorship ot the proletarat, and that the only real solution to their problems is to fight, with us, for the overthrow capitalism to bring that about.

Workers Socialist Laague MANIFESTO I E LABOUL SACK ICALLAGHAN ARES Available (16p ina postaga) from WSL, 31, Dartmouth Perk Hill, Londan NWS IHR In late September 1979, in the shadow of the crippled Three Mile Island nuclear power plant in Pennsylvania, the California Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED) launched an unprecedented presidential-style tour of 50 cities in 15 key presidential primary states.

For the next month; CED leaders Tom Hayden and Jane Fonda made speeches, gave interviews and conducted meetings with a broad spectrum of political activists, union leaders and elected public officials.

In this they were joined for short times by well-known figures of the left flank of the Democratic Party and liberal activists including United Farm Workers President Cesar Chavez, Rev. . Jesse Jackson and the President of the National Organisation for Women, Eleanor Smeal.

Nationwide debate

The declared aim of the tour was to build and strengthen links with grass-roots organisations throughout the USA and to trigger a nation-wide debate on issues such as inflation and energy, within the context of a programme of "economic democracy"

Fonda described herself as a modern "Pauline Revere" raising a clarion-call to the nation about the dangers facing the U.S.

Immediately afterwards, Fonda took off to make movies, Hayden went into isolatión "to write a book" and the iest of CED had surprisingly little to say about the policies of the rash of presidential candidates that entered the race for the 1980 nomination in early November, or indeed on any major issue.

Did CED run out of steam? Did the organisation built with Fonda's - money outstrip its popular support? Or was there some substance to the rumours in LA left' circles that some threat had been made, perhaps to Fonda's acting career, that encouraged the adoption of a low profile?

In any event, and whatever happens in the future, the emergnece of a pressure group to the left of the US Democratic party is an event worthy of some attention, especially when it generates as much support as CED.

What is and where is it going?

CED was born in the summer of 1976 out of the campaign to win for Tom Hayden the Democratic Party nomination for the United States Senate in California.

Hayden, who was.a leader of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and of the movement to end the Vietnam war in the 60s, lost to the incumbent, John Tunney, despite an extremely strong showing.

Chicago

This success was especially remarkable as Hayden had recently emerged, cleared of all charges, from the shadow of a six month trial and three years of reviews after being accused of conspiracy for anți-war actions in Chicago, culminating in the historic demonstrations at the 1968 Democratic National Convention.

Stressing ably strong influence on Californian politics, far in excess of their small membership (3,400 at the start of 1979), by supporting candidates for public office who campaign on the principles of "economic democracy» In part this must be due to their close links with California Governor Jerry Brown, but many of CED's policies clearly gained substantial grass-roots support that forced the passage of measures against opposition which even Brown's patronage had been unable to overcome.

They were the driving force behind the recent passage of solar energy bills in California, in the fight to phase out nuclear power in California.

Through their influence on the Solar Cal council (a body which is chaired by Hayden and was created by Governor Brown's executive order to coordinate the state's solar policy)

they won a bao on utility comr energy resources.

Rent control

They have been active in rent control struggles in Los Angeles and Santa Monica and are fighting for a tenants' bill of rights, which will include eviction protection and controls on discrimination against tenants with young children.

They are campaigning for the right of workers to know what toxic chemicals they are exposed to during their work and for companies to be accountable for exposing workers to carcinogenic agents.

They propose accountability in the spending of the 3 billion: dollar windfall which large corporations received in reduced property taxes in the wake of "Proposition 13", the recently introduced measure which cut property taxes throughout the state of California.

So what is "economic democracy?? CED defines this as "the idea that the principles of participatory democracy should be extended into the economic system".

In more detail this is loosely defined as sharing power to make • economic decisions between consumers, workers and management.

CED sees the need to develop "new politics" around the issues of inflation and energy that puts the blame for the US economic crisis 'in the profit needs of private corporations".

Hayden sees the need for "a dramatic innovative view of where America should be going in the '80s".

No intention He hopes to "trigger a nation-wide debate similar to the popular debates that surrounded slavery in the 19th century and the causes of the Depression in the 1930s"

They disclaim any intention of building a nation-wide organisation, but maintain that the issues facing America require national attention.

They have been often accused of really just being an organisation for drumming up support for Governor Brown's presidential aspirations.

Though CED denies this, it maintains that:

"Those candidates who respond most positively to the challenge that we lay out are likely to get the most support ‚from the network of progressives that exists out 'there".

If not a support group for Brown, then is CED a vehicle to advance the political aspirations of Hayden?

Certainly Hayden and Fonda are 'central to the policies and has declarea that JED, and Fonda she would like to see Hayden President of the United States.

But this would be a 'sterile and utterly cynical view of the courageous if inadequate stands taken by, both Hayden and Fonda on major political issues in the US. in the teeth of often violent opposition from the right.

On the face of things CED seems like an attempt to resurrect the anti-vietnam waI energy of the '60s and direct it towards contemporary issues.

CED has gained the support of many individuals and some local political organisations across the US. But what CED sees as its strength-a collection of "single. issue" activists-is clearly one of its major weaknesses.

Hayden and now CED lack support from blue-collar workers, in general, and organised labour, in particular.

Without any substantial power base the hepes of establishing "economic democracy" is just a dream.

The idea that large corporations can seriously be induced by grass-roots organisations like CED to share power with consumers and labour, is hopelessly utopian.

Their rejection of the idea of nationalisation under workers control is the expression of their retreat from confronting the Special arry A1 basic issues of who appropriates surplus value r:

Despite the opinion of many US journalists, and of extreme right wing US tax activist Howard Jarvis, CED is not an American form of socialism.

Tinkering

It is a reformist attempt to tinker with an ailing • "sy stel, that ignores the realities capitalism:

However, the ready response to the activities of CED and similar groups and the massive abstention rate in US elections show that there is a widespread will to fight capitalism and its system of two capitalist parties in the US.

The question, as always, is one of leadership and correct policies.

It raises ever more urgently the issue of how to establish in the USA a labour-based party committed to a programme of . socialist policies to challenge the Democratic/Republican stranglehold

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Outside, picketing is con- labour movement in ther tinuing on the plant, though struggle to open the books police have imposed a limit of EPCO and Booker IPCS pickets during their struggle last summer One year (50 issues) : €17.00 The New Year opened with the news for 600,000 Civil Service trade unionists that they have barely any hope 'of obtaining a wage settlement this year that begins to keep pace with the rate of inflation.

. Their deal will not even compare favourably with that of workers doing similar jobs in the private sector.

Government engineers' and technologists" pay claim for 1979 was finally settled at the end of the year only a few days before the final instalment of the claim -due in April of last year-was payable.

• Selective action After seven weeks of selective strike action during the summer-which succeeded in bringing government defénce establishments practically to a halt-the union, the Institution of Professional Civil Servants, accepted that the dispute over the claim should go to a once-and-for-all decision by. an arbitration tribunal.

The offer made by the employers, the Civil Service Department, was a cynica, interpretation of the 'comparability' findings.

The technologists needed increases of about 40% to bring their pay levels up to those in outside industry, where government pay policy had been avoided by hidden fringe benefits.

The settlement they have been forced to accept is little more than £100 a year, on an average salary ' above the employers' offer.

1. Insulting -This insulting award was made not by the tribunal itself, which was divided, but by its Six issues..:

Three months (12 issues)..

Six months (25 issues)..

One year (50 issues) ..:

EUROPE Six months (25 issues).

One year (50 issues) :.

REST OF THE WORLD Sir menthe 1)5 icenac)

DIN ILLU. chairman, a judge, who, in following a growing trend in the giking of judge-made law, blandly disregarded the terms of reference established by the tribunal.

It is obvious that this presages a bitter struggle for all Civil Servants in this year's pay battle.

The pay comparability system, which was designed to remove Civil Servants' pay negotiation from political influences will be manipulated by the Tories to prevent Civil Servants from getting a fair wage and will ensure that they end up with an even worse deal than usual! ;

At last year's conference of the Civil and Public Services Association a motion to with;

NO PAY NO POLARIS each SUBSCRIPTK V RATES draw from the pay research system was defeated by only four votes.

All Civil Service unions must now call for an end to compatability -and for a wage protected against inflation with no trading off pay rises for loss of jobs!

*At their last meeting on 7 January the National Executive Committee of the IPCS voted to withdraw from pay research, ie. comparability, in the light of the Pand T grades claim.

This is obviously a welcome and progressive step and must be given support by the membership against the, backlash from reactionary members which is thought will take place.

. €1.80 £3.60 £7.00 £13.00 Send . £8.00 £15.00 Park £9.00 Writs have been flying in a bitter struggleby the 160 workers at the EPCO engineering plant in Leeds.

The dispute began on December 13 when AUEW members threw out a fraudulent 6% pay offer, coupled to a productivity deal with as many strings as a grand piano. Management have claimed that the amount on offer was in façt 16% Dismissal But on New Year's Eve strikers received a letter of dismissal from managing director Oxley:

"Your current 'strike' action constitutes a repudiation of your contract of employment. The company accordingly accepts that repudiation.

«Your employment with this company therefore terminates with effect from 31 December, 1979."

Two days after this sacking of the entire manual workforce, management announced the closure of the EPCO plant. Their "dismissal". letters had been little more than a ploy to evade payment of redundancy money.

And the 6% offer had been exposed as little more than a manoeuvre to provoke a strike as a cover for the closure.

Giant combine EPCO, indeed, is far from being an isolated small factory: it is part of the giant Booker McConnell multi-national combine, which has 39 subsidiary firms around the world.

In a period of slump in the engineering industry the premature dismissal of the workforce is clearly an attempt to secure 'rationalisation' on the cheap-with redundancy pay being given only to white collar workers.

•But the workforce has not given up the struggle. A group of workers gained entry to the plant and staged a work-in to prevent the closure-only to be confronted by a High Court writ.

For a PRESS struggle against lead in the wage control, cuts and redundancies your cheque/P.O. to list Press, 31 Dartmouth Hill, London NW5 THR indias Name .

Address.

Send to:

mouth Pa NW5 THR of 10 pickets on éach gate, • There • are bitter memories of previous redundancies at the plant, in which the then Stalinist leadership: " accepted 100 sackings without a fight. • But if this occasion is to be different, the EPCO workers will need the full mannet nf thà Leeds CO JOHN CORRIE'S Tory anti-abortion Bill comes up for its third and final reading in Parliament on Friday February 8 It contains a package of proposals to make abortions even harder for working women to obtain.

The TUC, which called a 60,000-strong demonstration against the Corrie Bill in October has done nothing since to mobilise a struggle to halt the Bill or challenge its implementation.

The National Abortion Campaign, however, has taken the initiative and appealed for a mass lobby of Parliament on Wednesday February 5 to JO With workers by the thousand taking: to the streets to oppose Tory policies there is plainly no lack of militancy in the organised working class.

Yet the existing trade union bureaucrats and Labour leaders -whether right or 'left'-have no perspective to offer those workers prepared to fight in defence of jobs, living stan.

dards, social services and demo.

cratic rights.

These can only be defended through policies which start from the independent interests of the working class, which, as.

an international class, has nothing to gain and everything to lose from attempts to restore the profitability of thair "own"

employing class.

In a period where the contra.

Please send me more details of the Workers Socialist League.:

NS 31 DartPark Hill, London McConnell, step up the occupation and picketing to prevent the removal = of equipment, and fight for national and international blacking of other Booker McConnell subsidiaries in the fight for full reinstatement on the basis of the 17% pay claim. oppose the Bill, supported wherever possible by strike action. This lobby has the back* ing of the SE Region TUC Wo uige Socialist Press readers to support this crucial lobby, and to prepare in the health unions and throushour the labour movement for existing abortion facilities and rights against Tory legal attacks. - On 8 February NAC has , called an assembly of women at Central Hall, Westminster, which must be made the focus of the continuing fight for the right to free abortion on demand.

dictions of the anarchic capital.

ist system force the wholesale closure and destruction of the productive forces. of society.

only a socialist planned economy on a world scale offers a way forward To achieve such a perspec.

tive a leadership is needed which, in today's struggles fights to advance workers beyond trade union militancy, protest politics and illusions that capitalism can be abolished through parliament.

The Workers Socialist League is a Trotskyist move.

ment fighting day in and day out to build such a principled leadership in the working class;

in Britain and internationally:

We invite all readers.

Socialist Press "to seek more details of the WSL and its work and to join us in the struggle for socialism.

STILL AVAILABLE WSL MANIFESTO A basic: statement of the policies of the League. Price 15p ncluding postage from WSL, 31 Dartmouth Park Hill, London NW5 IHR

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istatot domittno leport - Latter 8r0s 5/$37 der Anseably Franch sou it at Dantriot Comnittoo co 12-12-'79 asillas attentlos to the involves of iti mactmallo mesos and samber la the proviusonal sian foLa marab througa Oxfore an 20th Datober, 1979. Pomons, sino FOll 500 his narab man prested with bostility by the peoylo of uxford, and oxfor trados insor vouno11 refusad to support it. Many ToW amberg have diad. or hace been madmad or nado homelane or foblass baccuse of proviaional 1.R.A. sotivity in Morthor Iraland and england. Mans executions of TONI morking people hero beau aerrhad out, Ite It totally opposes nuat 71o1 000 is far an involveseot of on Uxford TCIU iranon in the Proviaional Sino pain meron through oxford is coneered, the "District wormittoo, theratoro, totally disessociatos Itselt fyom such motion and deplores 1t in the strongest possible marner. Ihis nas out to the roto. 20 dologatas, I naluding the 3 dolagates of this aranch, roted in support of thie the Chairman of the 5/55 arenah (to has now Inoradibly been Chairman of all 3 arenaber - bulaness dook 05 uncordo pleaso nota) Totad, canisnt.

to Charians of the 5/293 aranch yoted spalret thio condonnation of out wise seriously, the senior stemard of this flant spoke and toted "trades unloo, gounci! Report - The delegate of the 5/293 tranch reported that he had been soot as an offIoiAl 5/293 delagato in support of the ihe Brason coneitter of the 5/037 Gar Asnenbly Branch, the largast aranot on this plant, fully supporte the Distrlot committen in condesting "leokmella IGNO Branch's and Bermer'a Involvenest on a Provisional Sino yoin aerob. Me ask: On what grounds do Oftionra of the 5/293 and 5/55 and the sertor stevard oppose the vistrict Omitter's condeenation of this Branch? Te feel that the nesbership on tris Plarit is oned an explan Last Sunday's labour movement conference called by the Austin Join Shop Stewards Committee to defend Derek Robinson has thrown the campaign into deeper crisis. --- Not a single demand at the Brimingham conference was directed towards the nub of the issue-the role of the AUEW Executive Council-during the entire five-hour jamboree.

No calls were made for a lobby of the crucial meeting of the EC on January 22 where the outcome of the union's so-called "inquiry" into Robinson's sacking be will revealed.

No calls were made to mobilise support for the convening of an emergency AUEW National Committee meeting to overrule Duffy and the EC.

Nor was there even a call to extend the campaign in the AUEW branches-300 of which have now condemned the EC's handling of the Robinson caseto ensure that the necessary 250 branches demand under Rule 15 paragraph 5 a ballot on the removal of the entire Executive Not a single criticism of the role of the Communist Partywhich has iefused to confront or expose the treacherous role of the Executive Council was to be heard from any of the carefully selected speakers.

Inquiry

Derek Robinson himselt, in a long speech, made no criticism at all of Duffy and Co.

He did not even condemn the inquiry -a move so obviously designed to smash the strike and defuse his support.

Instead, as a substitute for any fight, Robinson at the end of his speech called on the embarassed gathering to stand to sing "We Shall Not Be Moved"

The only AUEW official on the platform was Divisional Organiser Bill Jordan.

He supported Duffy to the hilt, and bitterly criticised ill prepared actions" which "fizzle out after a few days"-a clear reference to the six plants which correctly struck in defence of Robinson, only to be ordered back by the AUEW Executive.

'One of many'

Jordan went on to play down the Robinson sacking as "one of many" at the present by a leadership prepared to challenge the very concept of capitalist "viability" and to struggle for a socialisi society.

This must be one of the few crumbs of comfort to be derived by the Tories from the present situation.

In other respects the problem confronting Thatcher is considerable. Any concession on wages to the steelworkers will be seen by millions of workers as a major gain forced through determined action.

Yet a refusal to increase the pay offer will obviously create a rapidly developing situation in which picketing threatens to grow to equal or exceed the time.

Yet Robinson is chairman of a Combine Committee covering 160,000 workers.

He is the convenor of one of the biggest plants in Europe. And he was sacked for nothing more than his comments, expressed in a trade union publication.

Jordan's predictions that the inquiry would find in Robinson's favour found little credibility amongst the delegates.

Significantly, in view of the fact that Derek Robinson is a leading Communist Party member, the left'. • flavour of the conference was provided not by CP speakers, but by Arthur Scargill and Les Huckfield, Labour MP for Nuneaton.

•Huckfield reported that he had the support of the Labour Party National Committee for Robinson's reinstatement.

Scargill said it was a time not for inquiries but for industrial action.

He said that South Yorkshire NUM were ready to respond to any call to force Robinson's reinstatement.

TGWU Region 5 Secretary Brian Mathers took the prize for hypocrisy.

After organising two witch-hunting IGWU inquiries in Cowley which broke up the shop floor organisation in the BL Assembly Plant and became a blueprint for Duffy in the victimisation of Robinson, he had the nerve to stand on the platform and implicitly criticise the AUEW handling of the case.

Mathers, the architect of the levels of the lorry drivers' strike last year, and in which further. sections of British capitalism are driven deeper into crisis.

Already as picketing bites, some employers aie admitting that their stocks are nowhere near as large as suggested by the press:

Ceriainly the early days of the strike offer no grounds for hope that the action is about to crumble: and in the course of the struggle anti-Tory feeling on the picket lines is developing day by day.

On one picket The in Sheffield, lorry drivers were being asked firstly which way they voted in the last election, and only secondly for their union cards!

These conditions are far from favourable for any attempt ›binson-who will overcome? secret ballot as a means of electing TGWU convenors, and even branch officials in the Cowley Assembly Plant, even went on to criticise secret ballots because such methods "allowed the press to decide"

The only floor speaker to the left of the CP who was called to the rostrum announced himself as a supporter of the International Spartacist Tendency.

He was a member of the EETU, although not delegated from his branch.

For a movement which trains its members to talk about the importance of a "hard Prole tomatic struggle" he had tained not a single reference to the role of the Communist Party -the key question of the Conference.

He was also soft on the AUEW bureaucrats, raising not one of the key demands which could put them on the spot simply calling in general for "strike action"

He ended with abstract calls for a general strike to bring down the Tories and for a "workers government".

Despite the outcome of the conference, clearly designed to lo nothing, the campaign fo Robinson's unconditional rein statement must proceed.

mass lobby of the Executive Council must be called on January 22.

TOtE РАОША! a4J0 And, throughout BL, preparations must be made for strike action to force Robinson's reinstatement as convenor at Long bridge to rush through and enforce new Tory anti-union laws.

The Tories' difficulty is the labour movement's opportunity..

The demands for action to support and extend the steel strike must be redoubled, and councils of action formed in each area to draw in and mobilise the entire local labour movement.

Within such councils of action the manoeuvres of the bureaucracy to isolate and restrict the steel strike must be exposed, and the struggle taken up for a policy of general strike action to bring down the Tory At the same time Labour Party members and trade unionists must call on those MPs who After two years of pressure an important breakthrough has been made against management in the BL Cowley Assembly Plant.

Three shop stewards, banned from office by both BL management and the IGWU bureaucracy have been restored to office following their successful re-election in December.

Shortly before the elections the breakthrough came in the TGWU. Repeated approaches from the plant leadership to both the Regional Committee and the General Secretary resulted in a letter from the Region restoring their credentials.

condemnation mich soprosents the polioy of the IGNO.

this conderation of the Binokmells dranot.

the bleakrell» Sranch.

spinst thie condemnation of the dackrells Branch.

provinional aeroh. This has not been danied by thio delacate.

THE LEAFLET reproduced above was distributed on the gates of the BL Cowley Assembly plant on the day of the elections for convenor by two Communist Party members and one right winger from the 5/837 TGWU Branch.

It was written by Communist Party member Tony claim to support the strike to take up a campaign for the removal of the reactionary Callaghan-Healey leadership and for a programme of socialist policies to defend jobs, living standards and social services.

*Black all steel supplies and imports.

*Strike action and pickets to shut down the private steelmakers!

*No to the closure plan! No settlement on pay without agreement to retain all existing jobs at BSC!

*Build councils of action!

All three were then elected by their sections as stewards-in most cases they had been repeatedly elected each year although remaining unrecognised.

Following the election, vigorous representation to management by the convenor Bob Fryer resulted in their recognition by management.

The three stewards, Dave Pinnington, Andy Brown and Perry Cullen were victimised in August 1976 by a scarcely concealed conspiracy between TGWU officials and BL manage. ment.

Gallagher.

The Provisional Sinn Fein demonstration referred to was called in support of the struggle by republican prisoners in the 'H' Blocks at Long Kesh for the restoration of prisoner of war status. It was supported by several union branches, including the Blackwells 5/833 (ACTSS) branch and the Oxford NUJ.

At the Trades Council a proposal to support the march was ruled out of order by Presi dent John Power. The "Chairman of the S/293 Branch" is Alan Thornett. The "Senior Steward of this Plant" is Bob Fryer.

The right wing led 5/837 Branch has never been "the largest Branch" in the Assembly Plant, and has dwindled drastically in size since it was set up by the bureaucracy with company support in 1977.

Socialist Press supplement Still aveilable 15p including postage fron Socialist Press 31 Dartmouth Park Hill London NW5 1HR A fourth steward victimised with them-Tony Homer-has since left the plant.

They were accused of organising and addressing a mass meeting in defence of a young Asian worker who had been A two-week strike by assembly workers took place in their defence, in defiance of union officials (who supported the management's action).

This was eventually sabotaged by the intervention of the TGWU Regional Committee, who called a Regional Inquiry into the Company's action.

That inquiry found the stewards guilty, and removed their stewards' cards.

cating body, still trying to slow down the process of calling action on pay throughout BL.

This is despite the fact that the review date was last November 1 and the company has not increased its insulting offer of 5% for the vast majority of workers with strings that would smash virtually every local agreement.

BL Senior Stewards met last Thursday and gave the LCJNC the power to call whatever action necessary.

The LCJNC met the company again on Monday but instead of calling immediate mass meetings and strike action when talks broke down, decided to call a ballot of the membership.

They have called a ballot because they realise their members will vote no and make an easy propaganda point.

But the company already say they will not accept the result of the ballot.

The reality is that this use by the unions of a ballot instead of mass meetings will be utilised against the Leyland workers in the future.

Leyland workers should demand mass meetings at which to vote, and immediate strike action to link up with • steel workers.

No half measures of work-torules or overtime bans will do.

LIAISON COMMITTEE FOR THE DEFENCE OF TRADE UNIONS Saturday 26 January 10.30 a.m.

Friends Meeting House, Euston Road, London credentials available from Jim Hiles, 137 Wanstead Park Road, Ilford, Essex

Scan page 12

SOCIALIST SOCIALIST war moves Defend the

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