Tito: the Stalinist Who 'broke' with Stalin

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Tito signing 'Treatv of Friendshin' with Stalin in 1945 The Summer School will be attended by delegations from organisations affiliated to the Trotskyist International Liai Committee, and is open to WSL members and supporters.

Tito was undoubtedly a major figure in world Stalinism-one whose development was in some ways unique.

His lite, and the role he played in the Yugoslav Communist Party (YCP) and the Yugoslav revolution' also had an impact on the Trotskyist movement.

Wholesale revisions of Marxism, which still survive to this day in the fractured remains of the post-war Fourth International, were originally based on Tito and the YCP's apparent ability to 'break from Stalinism' and lead a successful revolution.

Peasant family

These events, and the superficially plausible 'explanation' of them by forces within the Trotskyist movement who abandoned its basic principles, called for a theoretical development from those Trotskyists who continued to uphold the view of Stalinism as unequivocably counter-revolutionary, and that the events in Yugoslavia (as in the other buffer states) were entirely in keeping with the reactionary role that Stalinism plays internationally.

Josip Broz Tito came from a poor peasant family-a background which worked to his advantage in his career in the apparatus of Stalin's Comintern, where there was suspicion of anyone of middle class or intellectual origins.

He joined the Communist Party in 1920, after returning from the Soviet Union where he had experienced the 1917 revolution as a prisoner of war.

From the mid-1930s, he worked as a Comintern agent building up the organisation of the YCP, which was in total disarray as a result of Stalin's purges, faction fighting, police repression and the disastrous ultra-leftism of the "Third Period"

Pro-Moscow

Until 1948, Tito was loyally pro-Moscow, completely committed to the USSR as the first country of 'socialism'.

It is important to stress this point because of the revisionist theories that portray Tito as a revolutionary opponent of Stalin.

Tito was always a firm advocate of the Popular Front, the Comintern strategy from the mid-1930s onwards.

His loyalty to this counterrevolutionary policy was particularly evident during the war, when he built up a huge Partisan More details available from: army based entirely on Popular Frontist all-class alliance - "The Yugoslav nation" -united against the foreign Nazi invader.

For all this later display of patriotism, the initial reaction of the YCP to the Nazi invasion in April 1941 had in fact been even more blatantly treacherous.

Because of the Stalin-Hitler non-aggression pact, the YCP were obliged to argue against any uprising against the German occupation.

Fortunately for them, this pact was broken two months later when Germany invaded the The cross-class character of the Partisan movement and their political wing the National Liberation Committee was made plain in numerous declarations. Take this one for example:

"The National Liberation Movement . . . endeavoured to • WSL, BM Box 5277, Tito with Churchill and Eden Tito with Brezhnev unite all the national forces. The leaders of this movement always placed the cause of the liberation of the country from the barbarous Fascist invaders above all other interests of particular political and social groups and classes...

we must emphasise once more that the leaders of the Movement of National Liberation of Yugoslavia have before them one single important aim: to fight against the cale Pasta, and or a cratic allu LUL our enemies accuse us-the aim of introducing Communism.' The reactionary argument that The interests the "'nation" must be put above the interests of the working class will be familiar to anyone who comes into conflict with reformist and Stalinist bureaucrats today.

Much has been disagreements that Tito had with Stalin during the war period.

It is true that Stalin and his immediate cronies wanted Tito and the Partisans to go even further with the Popular Front.

500 guns In particular, they wanted unity between the Partisans and the Cetniks, the so-called resis. tance army of the exiled bourgeols government.

• Tito obediently made numerous efforts to link up with the Cetniks, and was very keen to follow Stalin's instructions. At one point, he sent 500 guns to their leader, Draza Mihailovic, as a gesture of good will.

The problem he faced, which the Soviet bureaucracy couldn't fully comprehend, was the hostility that the Cetniks displayed towards the YCP.

Mihailovic, Minister of War in the emigre government, considered the Communists-regardless of their denials of Communist aims-as a far greater enemy than the Nazis!

Civil War They therefore collaborated with the Nazis and the quisling Yugoslav government against the Partisans.

The guns Tito sent to Mihailovie were turned against the Partisans, and the "national liberation" struggle became, despite the Stalinists' efforts, a civil waI.

The actual process of transforming Yugoslavia into a dom being a kes store, fed by non-Stalinist forces, as the Pabloites of the USFI claim, was, in fact, based on demobil. resurrecting the bourgeois state resurrecim une bourgeois state forms which had been undermined by the establishment of "Liberation Committees" throughout the country.

This process is described and analysed in Tim Wohlforth's essay The Theory of Structural Assimilation. The period of reconstruction of the bourgeois state, begun with the pact between Tito and the emigre bourgeois government, was much shorter than in other buffer countries, where the process was similar.

The overturn of property relations was carried out much more quickly than Stalin was happy about-but it was carried out from above under the control of the Stalinist leadersin the way that Stalin wanted throughout the buffer zone.

The subsequent 1948 split between the Yugoslav bureaucracy and the USSR is often cited as further evidence that Tito was not a Stalinist, but had already become a revolutionary.

In fact, it was an expression of the nationalist pressures which continually threaten the superficially monolithic Stalinist block.

Once the "theory" of "socialism in one country" is applied in several countries simultaneously, the particular interests of national bureaucracies are bound to come into conflict.

The extent to which that conflict breaks out into open splits and defiance of the authority of the USSR, depends on the economic, political and, ultimately, military pressure a rival national bureaucracy can bring to bear.

Tito's YCP had a strong, independent base, and it was this which enabled him to remain in power in defiance of the Soviet Union:

The success of the Partisan movement and the early consol¡dation of the YCP's state power gave them a firm base of control.

The regime was also popular -it was seen as the liberator of the country from foreign domination and fascism.

Whatever the bureaucratic stifling of democracy that took place in the 1940s and 1950s, this was minimal compared with the state repression of the war years and the pre-war monarchy.

Mass mobilisations played no part in the overturn of property relations, but a limited mobilisation after 1948 was usetul as protection against military intervention by the Soviet bureaucracy.

The development of Yugoslav communism since 1948 would require a separate article to be fully analysed.

The Yugoslav bureaucracy were forced to criticise the defects of 'socialism' in the USSR, in order to rationalise and counter the Kremlin's virulent attacks made on themselves.

Yugoslavia, however, from 1948 onwards has increasingly come to rely on the imperialists for economic aid. This has been a major factor in the gradual abandonment of planning and economic controls and the introduction of foreign capitalist investment.

The results are to be seen in raging inflation and chronic balance of payments deficits, aggravated by debt charges.

The intervention of the capitalists into this socialised economy is an important part of their strategy of undermining the property relations throughout the Eastern European bloc.

Internationally, Tito has cherished a role as a grand statesman, an ambition which was fulfilled in the establishment of the non-aligned movement.

Of course, the whole concept of 'non-alignment' is a utopian dream, and the development of this "Third World" movement has confirmed that it cannot hover independently between the two systems of imperialism and Stalinism.

Under Castro's leadership it hovers towards Stalinism while under Tito's influence it accomodated with imperialism.

The very façt that this movement contains such clearly aligned countries as Singapore is an expression of the bankruptcy of the whole project.

Tito leaves behind a country in dire economic straits, whose introduction of capitalist influence is reaching new depths wth the conclusion of new deals with the EEC.

The tensions of nationalism in this federal state could be a major contribution to instability in the months after Tito's final departure.

The eyes of both the imperialist and the Stalinist worlds are fixed on Yugoslavia because of the uncertainty surrounding its future after the death of the man who has dominated its history for nearly 40 years.

The development which both most want to avoid is any mobilisation of the working class and peasantry independent of the bureaucracy, the state and the imperialists.

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BUT IT WILL GO ON Daily Mail, Wednerday, February 27, 1980 ahead RI DAVID THOMAS a-1 › in ban a 'AT A SECRET SPOT' Urgent POLE By ALAN SAITT aver . rd elly in protest of a nu hir ha - es ronferas.. brhind Saturday's planned conference on Irish COMMUNISTE ONE-DAY Remerernry meeline "ine- the wid that the contro trade uturn orpar heady trigh tional Front to march in protest rish talks now A blunt threat to disaffiliate Tameside Trades Council from the TUC forced the cancellation last Saturday of a labour movement conference on Ireland.

The • TUC intervention represents a bitter blow against those conducting the crucial struggle to take the issue of Ireland into the British trade union movement.

The Tameside conference had been witch-hunted in the local and national press for several days.

Forged This began with a Daily Mail article claiming that a representative of the Irish National Liberation Army-the organisation that claimed responsibility for the execution of Airey Neave-would be present.

But this was promptly denied by Trades Council Secretary David Hallsworth. He claimed that leaflets referring to the INLA had been forged by the National Front.

One of the speakers, he said, would be from the Irish Republican Socialist Party.

Meanwhile in the House of Commons Thatcher made a statement "deploring" the fact that the conference was taking place.

Tameside's Labour-controlled council then stepped into the affair, and banned the conference from the hall which had been booked, and from all council property.

The organisers refused to capitulate, and announced that the conference would go ahead at an alternative location.

The AUEW hall was booked: only to be withdrawn as a result of a meeting of the local District Committee. And yet another alternative hall was found.

. It was then that the conference received the final blow. TUC officials phoned the Trades Council officers and instructed them to cancel the conference or face disaffiliation from the TUC.

A blow to the pro-imperialist policies 1 of Ishnur's right wing on Ireland was struck last weekend with an overwhelming vote at the Party's London Region conference for the following resolution:

"This Annual Meeting calls on the PLP to commit itself to a policy of withdrawal from Northern Ireland. Annual Meeting dissociates itself from the sterile "bipartisan" posture which has in fact not led to a negotiated political solution in Northern Ireland. Furthermore, we welcome the decision of the NIEr in cat in a cnecial suh- ann mende t Ån 1a n naal 15' •..: -- been terrorism- " admitted thel held over trades A CONTAOVERSIAL meeting on Northern malan told the Adyprl.con atiar a special Labor gile apie no Ireland - banned by Tameside Council - Sunilay that the lesh sally Arial will take place in secret. mat he stoned to un shear a! ihr The one day conference on Saturday organised MA sard in the you she con by Tamoside Trades Council calls for the British uncalve scalpmania mara......

Aglial me have a dart 'o han she working clane to join the rish people and defeat the Trades Councite seing the can tre on Salurday 'Provocatie lallets bearing slogans such as "am a tale, or a fan spract troopy out now and Smash Ihe Prevention of Ter. but then dirt nud gue me he lu peclure el the time of harking the rorism Act - lad to the council han on the meeting hail which was to have been held in West End Community Now plang are unneraly lo her carat maeling. being hatt and • CounTai demangtial na alical ryal the Na-ong, Fient ato have bettery anarian ina: innimense i nin eclure a man ano reing to regregent the igh and intend to hot oul shere me then ins the surfer of thr fugy Value MAD get rear The tanes Council better in "ing members it the menting o прочно Support the ligh peopse bung the war 10 artem end in cludes ine lollowing staterman!

The dotaon of the Britigh Stela • unaneng between Ingt people and the Birten working clere girta ul g'estar apportunity to unile with those in leand in lighing our common tremy The war tonward both for ihr Ingh peopie and for Britien arka-e the dreal of the Faced with this threat and a hostile press, most of the Trades Council officers wrongly capitulated and the conference was called off.

Throughout the week the National Front, its activities sympathetically reported and even encouraged by the press, had organised for a march against the conference.

And local Labour councillors, far from organising the committee to review party policy on Northern Ireland.

In order to involve as many notr mamhere as nossible in the pally mcmurio as prosur work of this subcommittee we call on the NEC to ensure that:

1) The sub-committee meets frequently (at least once a month).

2) It invites CLPs and affiliated organisations to submit evidence and views on party policy on Northern Ireland.

3) That all such evidence and views submitted are made available to party members on request."

Far from convinced

The motion, moved by the London Co-op Political Comangrily Dy MICHAEL BRISCO his, serve meet ng had breaded Hut Tamn.

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venue in Tenasde 3o the con arenre wul on abrad People who Turn up al the West End Commin ty Centre will be re disaster on 1he statements in the raglia! ware ord There are dittering views or the trades Counci thel benging Ihe war it Brian simply magne that ine Brolish peo ate ought to be marse aware n' ite Irish situston Clr Newton was orginelly en Othere belaue that ine wor arrimenta the augts 10 he troughr 9n Ertain the wask a sprkerman lor the compte tor sie mam ( nune officer Nationgl front M. 6. ant Donte er hans remmed inca Treing tor not mak in being fold of ine ben ing arry acre penteal egeerat "ne Par flientr T.aten Council ilike • and warned that the Front accused tne council of march to be ses hr party leerter Jonn Tradel wauld go anpert Ma said lam gurpreat that the He sant The local Tores are •susci neue changet thau minus penng! to us io makt the protest Cir newton was orginglly in - and me ospinre thein de en.s We er to pentest agengt such ghand sor Auitert 10 the Labour group We grall tind out whare inpr are holeng her gartes mapling war a potsprity 1he! this megh! harnen ant wo Mave d enciel une not lant nis tor trouhte He and" lameside republicans ad. THE - to hons al all times and comply with gw end order But of hand they will be tuscended trom us he added ime playing fors oft HenrwATta f-one memberg nrluding some Warnern reland to gether on Saturday gangside Straet, Ashion mmersir'y aid opt pat any help who have parved ag song in Ardund 100 in 150 National • LATEST Prime It gny individua member gets were ia..

tie House of Comes question jamped the perrat inpating during mip on Tupsray Jigest talke nee (hial constable lames Ardenton attiraly and Greater Manchenim labour movement against the Front, approached the reactionary Manchester police chief James Anderton, asking for the march to be banned.

Anderton-who has established a reputation for his huge police protection of previous fascist marches, predictably rejected this request.

On Saturday morning delegates arriving for the conference were taken to an open mittee and seconded by Hackney and Stoke Newington CLP, was carried by 1012 votes to 101 on a card vote.

Though falling considerably short of an explicit call for the immediate withdrawal of British troops and the right of self determination for the Irish people, any commitment to a policy of withdrawal from the six counties will be resisted by the Callaghan-Healey leadership.

The strong support for this resolution shows however that the rank and file of the labour movement is far from convinced of the right wing case. •mer sault. happen and hai Riackpool n- Saturdas a-a can go cause the leonal frant te eatened pared a contingen. i "''e "haugh! hundreds holding bele't - rouncil the Irish conferrace fron hilt r •asent!

pub Ls on 1. conferract on User. • hir by * Rest and con. valen • Trade L Plater mention nat 1ner Mieley the or 4ng their nava that no people talk shout Ma postce shepherded throughout pr and murder- march and rally will foing helore the and to to desi with any contingenry are • 5n. rails will ko Il in the Alexastra - Merma An.

them f'arade then right ork uff the ralls was to havr taken place the 'cold feet'7 CiM: George Newton - eras when the where the *heduled in Lake place in the vins an NAS YREZ EXHAUSI CANTRE Suay was Trevor Ross, now MOST MAKES OF TYRF° AT DISCO.* All the famil ..

EG Tyre Pricer air meeting in Ashton and the situation explained to them. Some of the speakers scheduled to address the conference spoke briefly to the 70strong meeting.

Trades Council Treasurer Bert Ellicott said that he had not been informed of the special meeting that had finally called off the conference: he favoured it going ahead. "It is a great pity it's been called off," he declared.

Other speakers included representatives of the RCT and the IRSP. An SWP speaker, on behalf of the Anti Nazi League called on those present to go into the town to confront the fascist march.

Alan Thornett said that the action of the TUC was a heavy blow against the struggle to take out of the protest movement and into the working class and trade union movement.

He said it was typical of the kind of witch-hunt which descends on anyone trying to take the question of Ireland into the unions.

Oxford trade unionists had faced attacks from both the extreme right and the trade union bureaucracy when they had supported a Sinn Fein march through the town calling for Troops Out of Ireland and political status for Republican prisoners of war.

Thousands of posters had been distributed by the right wing inčiting violence against them.

SOCIALIST PRESS = ' reporter Police hold back anti-fascists In the Cowley Assembly Plant where Thornett is a deputy convenor, leatlets were distributed on the morning of the plant elections by the right wing, •and Communist Party members, impiyung wal mus larimar that thace who had supported the Sinn Fein march were somehow responsible for "mass executions of TGWU members."

But this witch-hunt had been successfully fought. Experience showed that national chauvinism on the Irish war in the working class could be foughtproviding leadership is given.

Unfortunately the chauvinism starts with and is reiniorceu by the trade union leaders.

"They are prepared to protest against the actions of imperialism in almost any other part of the world. But as soon as the issue is the role of British imperialism in Ireland they will witch-hunt anyone who raises it," stressed Thornett.

Despite this setback, the fight must go on to hold this conference and other labour movement conferences on Ireland to bring home the facts of the Irish war to the British working class.

Anderton PNAL FRONT Th: fascist A campaign must be opened for trade union bodies and Labour Parties to sponsor a national labour movement conference centring on the role of British imperialism in Ireland.

After the speeches the meeting moved into the centre of Ashton to confront the NF march.

Halfway there they were physically attacked by the NF and several anti-fascists were injured.

The NF march of about 75 was heavily guarded by police, who looked for any excuse to arrest an equal number. of anti-fascists who heckled them. In the end four anti-fascists were arrested.

•Trades Councils and other union bodies should pass resolutions to the TUC condemning the threats to Tameside Trades Council, which effectively amounts to a ban on discussion of British imperialism's war in Such moves to • gag the labour movement must be challenged and defied in each area by convening local conferences on Ireland.

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