French workers fight to defend social security

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(reprinted from Labor News)

REAGAN The "Berger" law to reform Social Security and the 'Barrot' changes in the medical system have awoken in these last few weeks a profound discontent inside the French working class.

These two proposals are designed to carry out attacks of an unprecedented seriousness against the system of social insurance in France.

Such attacks carried out the bourgeoisie show that the working class cannot hope for any lasting improvement from its position in a capitalist system in decline.

In order to contain the workers' movement the French bourgeoisie in thé tumultuous period following the Second World War, had to concede one of the most advanced systems of social protection.

Impediment

Far from proving the ability of the bourgeoisie. to incorporate the interests of the working class, this concession formed a heavy impediment to the competitivity of French capitalism.

That is why, in the middle of the 60s, because of the relaOn June 5 over two hundred trade unionists from throughout California met in "Los Angeles to tive strength of the Gaullist regime, the bourgeoisie tried to destroy this basic gain of the working class.

This was the significance of the laws which de Gaulle initiated in 1967.

These decrees and the resistance which they engendered in the working class no doubt were one of the things which directly gave rise to the explosion of May 1968.

Delicate

Today, given the deepening of the economic crisis, the bourgeoisie is trying to inflict new blows against the system of social protection.

But this operation is made particularly delicate because of the considerable attachment that workers have to social Insurance.

In the space of one month, four national days of action have taken place (24 April, 13 and 23 May and 5 June).

Compared with the days of action which unfolded on other occasions in preceding months, the participation of workers in strikes and demonstrations in these last weeks has been altogether stronger.

The demonstration of the 13 May was the most important since the elections in May 1978.

Undoubtedly, the united-if somewhat limited -character of the call of the CGT, CFDT and the FEN raised among workers the hope that it would be possible to fight effectively against the politics of the On the evening of May 13, the government declared a retreat on the 'Berger' project; unnnestinnahlv the size nf the mobilisation had caused them to reconsider their tactics.

But they had by no means given up their objectives, as was to be shown several weeks later, by the signing of the new medical regulations.

However, the day following May 13 the union leaders began to shout of victory and refused to organise a deepening of the FO and the bosses' organis ation CNPF signed the new meaical regulations. Ine reorm- mes a J- . - 1 ".f.... ist CFDT union confederation scrupulously carrying out the deçision of their last conference, explicitly objected to any centralised or national action.

On the other hand it is undoubtedly true that thesé four days of action were indelibly marked by the politics of the Stalinist-led CGT union confederation, which was the main if not the only organising force. (50,000 people took part in the CGT demo on 5 June while the CFDT could only muster 1,000).

Following the 13 May the CGT leadership called for the organisation of action on a higher level than on the 13th and had insisted on the need to engage in a polemic against the CFDT.

It seemed to represent an intransigent stand in defence of workers' interests.

However, they did nothing. Inder the anice of "makino a noise" they went for a repetition of the preceeding days of action, which were perhaps spectacular but nonetheless inadequate and therefore unsuccessful.

The 5 June was, despite all the efforts of the CGT to inflate the figures, far below the numbers on 13 May.

Despite this the CGT could appear as the only organisation which went against the 'consensus of opinion'. '. The leadership of the CGT and the French Communist Party used these days of action as a means of putting pressure on the leaders of the Socialist Party and the CFDT.

We are, therefore, a long way from a consistent fight for the defence of workers' interests against the attacks of the ruling class.

Such a struggle would necessitate the putting forward of clear perspectives plan •of action by union leaders.

In the face of the lies about the deficit of social security we must demand the immediate payment of unpaid benefits, the removal of bosses' representatives on the administration of social security, and workers control of the drugs industry and private clinics.

To carry out such measures would mean coming into conflict with the government and the ruling class.

Workers organisations must stop the discussion on "the national interest": it is impossible to reconcile the interests of bosses and of workers.

The workers organisations must abandon the tactic of rotating strikes and of isolated days of action.

Demoralise

This tactic which has been popular with the Stalinists for many decades acts chiefly to defusé the class struggle and demoralise workers while the number of unemployed and the rise in prises only increase.

What is necessary is a clear perspective wnien lets aul sec- 1-4- -11-.tions of the working class take part in the struggle; the preparfrom a special Socialis it Press corresp ondent in Paris ation of a general by democratic councils.

Workers' organisations must say clearly that to defend the gains of the working class, they will not pull back from fighting to remove the Giscard government which is unable to guarantee the health of workers.

They must show that they are ready to take the power by breaking all ties with the bourgeoisie.

We have laid out here, briefly and partially, the main lines of what must be for us a systematic plan to answer the projects of the ruling class.

No illusions We don't have any illusions that the present leaders of the workers' movement can seriously fight to put such a plan into practice.

But workers them.

We must organise these workers as much as our forces allow us to, so that they demand of their leadership that they unite on the basis of this It is only in this practical struggle that it will be possible to Iree tne masses irom inen illusions and to forge a' real revolutionary party.

strike, led workers' today, millions of have confidence in