Debating the Way Forward in Latin American Struggle

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Sandinista guerrillas after their victory over Somoza andslide win for Jamaican rightist The Stirling and District Chile Solidarity Committee must be congratulated for their organisation of a day school on the theme of "The Revolution in Latin America" held the weekend before last.

The conference, attended by over 40 trade unionists, Labour Party members, students and Latin Americans,. especially Chilean exies living in the Stirling area, provided the forum for an informative and lively discussion on a number of themes.

Principled Rowland Sheret, opening the conference and speaking on behalf of the Solidarity Committee, drew attention to the necessity for trade unionists, working through their trades councils and the STUC (or the TUC), to raise the vital importance of the British labour movement taking a principled stand on international questions.

He cited as one local instance of this the campaign by Stirling Trades Council to secure STUC affiliation to the Nicasaguan Solidarity Campaign.

Bob Sutcliffe, economist and Socialist Press supporter, then addressed the conference on the problems confronting the struggle for socialism in Latin America within the context of imperialist domination of the continent.

The special characteristics of many states within Latin America in terms of several competing indigenous power groups manoeuvring for supremacy within the overall context of imperialist exploitation, gives the politics of these states a greater complexity than is often found in "underdeveloped" countries in other parts of the world.

Nevertheless, all of these regimes do have certain characteristies in common which he summed up as three "ins"_ inequality, indebtedness and inflation.

Worsening

The second of this unholy trinity is worsening all the time with at present one-fifth of all export earnings of Latin American countries going to service debts to the banks, which increasingly include High Street banks, such as Barclays.

Comrade Sutcliffe also noted the emergence of "sub-imperialist" regimes such as Brazil, Argentina and Mexico which have now assumed a new role in the pecking order of exploitation over the continent as a whole.

Within this very sharp economic context, class struggles in Latin America are intense and severe, above all in Bolivia where successive military coups still provide no long term basis for capitalist stability.

Who then are the enemies and the allies of revolution in Bolivia and throughout Latin America?

Sutcliffe examined this question in terms of the politics of imperialism, especially its US variety, and of the bureaucracies of the Soviet Union and China, and how they seek to undermine the revolutionary process, as for instance by the Soviet Union's recent recognition of the military junta in Bolivia.

The potential strength of the revolution throughout Latin America lies in the traditions of strong trade unionism and the radicalism of sections of the peasantry.

Sutcliffe completed his survey of the situation by criticising the inadequacies of guerrillaism and popular frontism.

Ernesto Cortez, speaking on behalf of the E1 Salvador Solidarity Committee, explained the most recent developments in the struggle there, emphasising the necessity for the left at this point to be part of the FDR, which he described as an anti-imperialist united front with Christian Democrats and Social Democrats, in which all the parties of the left participate.

In the afternoon session Des Tierney, speaking on behalf of the Nicaraguan Solidarity Committee, began by describing the historical background to recent events there.

Comrade Tierney, a leading member of the IMG, emphasised that within the Nicaraguan Government of Reconstruction, FSL Nower has lain with the The departure of the representatives of the bourgeoisie from the government, such as Chamoro, emphasises the progressive direction of the measures taken by the regime.

Comrade Tierney defended the actions of the FSLN in terms of strengthening its hold over the Sandinista Army, especially bringing the local militias into a tighter organisational grip.

Defended action

He saw this as a necessary step to defend the gains of the revolution against the dangers of external aggression which are very real.

He also defended the decision not to hold elections for a Constituent Assembly on the grounds that, with the power of the press still in the hands of the capitalists, who still control 50% of the economy, this would be a recipe for political suicide for the FSLN.

During the discussion that followed, Tierney defended the actions of the FSLN and of the USFI in their attitudes towards the expulsion of the Simon Bolivar Brigade.

He said that the Brigade was guilty of "forcing workers to join trade unions at gunpoint" and of trying to drive a wedge between the masses and the FSLN leadership.

They had refused to militarily subordinate themselves to the FSLN or politically subordinate themselves to the decisions of the USFI and therefore their record was "indefensible"

He ended by emphasising the aid which Nicaragua had received from Cuba, a regime which he characterised as being neither a bureaucracy nor a workers' democracy.

The final paper of the day was given by Phil O'Brien of Glasgow University and a recent visitor to Chile.

He pointed to the strong similarities between the attitudes and policies of the Thatcher government in Britain and the Pinochet regime in Chile, emphasising that they both drew upon the reactionary concepts of the right wing ideologues, Friedman and Hayeck.

He drew attention to the institutionalisation of sectors of the Chilean state and the way in which this had strengthened the basis of the regime.

The questions and controverwhich these four contributions stimulated provided the basis for a lively discussion which went on throughout the conference.

This excellent initiative by the Stirling Committee must be the springboard for wide solidarity action in support of the struggle in Latin America and the precedent for other local conferences along similar lines.

Not the least important which could not in any way provide a long-term solution to the economic problems contronting the Jamaican economy.

Whilst cultivating closer ties with Cuba resulting in a degree of economic aid and the supply of Cuban doctors and construction workers, Manley refused to break his links with imperialism and the IMF; nationalise the aspect of the conference was that it also provided a forum for at least a partial airing of some of the differences within the Trotskyist movement on the problems of the revolutionary movement in Latin America.

This is a healthy development which must surely be encouragea.

The loans will be used, according to Seaga, to remodel the Jamaican economy after the "Puerto Rican model" • This means tempting foreign capital with the prospect of low wages and huge tax concessions.