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Companies ate shedding down. The longer the governlabour faster than any time in ment delays, the longer the dole government to implement a 4% volence towards the working the last 20 years, and invest- queues will grow.

"Project atter project is latest CBI survey declare that "crazy level" being rejected by companies and they are working below a satis1 Cr npaign for Economic leaj ets and stickers find parallels.

ment is expected to decline by over 10% next year. millions of workers and poor peasants in the underdeveloped countries face the untold misery of starvation, grinding poverty and the constant lack of what we regard as the most basic necessities of life-food, shelter, clothing or transport.

The fact that manufacturing firms in Britain have decided to cease producing an ever growing range of commodities-from textiles to televisions, from motor cars to fertilisers, does not mean that there is no need for such commodities on a world scale.

It means simply that for the handful of capitalists who own the major banks, trusts and relations, since the Tory press is already skilled at presenting Tory policies in a "positive' light.

Articles vainly proclaiming the imminent restoration of prosperity have been appearing for months in the Sun, the Mail gained from production.

production takes place solely in this situation? Are we to believe the bare-faced lies of the Tories when they assure us that the destruction of British industry today is the only way to create "real jobs" tomorrow?

Are we to believe Sir Geoffrey Howe, when he claims that the Thatcher government's policies are "only just beginning to work"?

It is more and more obvious to workers that the Tory road is one towards the restoration oI profits for the tiny minority at the expense of long-term mass unemployment, devastated social services and depressed living standards for the vast majority of the population.

But what kind of alternative do the Labour leaders have to offer? Wilson and Callaghan in office showed that Labour's policies are simply an attempt to manage capitalism-to increase the profitability of industry at the expense of worktour of Morocco noted that the Queen felt obliged to tap her foot with impatience and (most significant of all) "fiddled with her belt" at the outrages she had to endure at the hands of this shiftless Arab despot.

Such are the constitutional indefinite future they can legisYet for all the anti-Tory The Tories are proving that they are unable to control the system; the last Labour government proved conclusively that seeking to 'reform' a bankrupt economy must lead them to attack the working class.

What are workers to conclude from this dilemma? Are we to shrug our shoulders, mumble "They're all the same" and simply put up with the destruction of hard-won living standards and hasic riøhts?

We say that such an attitude makes the going easy for Thatcher-and easier still for the Labour right wing who have betrayed the working class so many times in office.

We must recognise that the destruction of productive forces, the squandering of precious raw materials, the scourge of unemployment, and the misery of mass poverty are not natural disasters, but the If the Queen is reduced to fiddling with her belt, what would be the fate of Margaret Thatcher?

For the answers to these and other burning questions write to Angus Maude at Tory Central Office. leadership from the Thatcher the public sector rather than bitter fruits of an anarchic capitalist system.

That system has not always existed. It established itself in Britain only after a great revolution, which in 1649 reached its climax with the execution of King Charles I.

To establish an alternative system-a planned socialist system of production for social need rather than private greeda new revolution is needed: a revolution in which the vast majority of society rises up, to drive out the Thatcher government and any other government that stands for the defence of capitalist exploitation, and to instal a genuine workers' government, answerable to the organised working class.

The machinery of state, through which the bankers and industrialists protect their private wealth and profits-in parcular we poure, army nortirular the nolice army and judiciary-must be dismantled, and a workers' state established to oversee a planned socialist Only in this way can we solve today's problems of poverty and unemployment and open the door to a future of peace and prosperity.

And that is one reason why we in the Workers Socialist League urge you to join our finht to haild n raultinanner LU

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The underlying social, political and economic tension and conflict in Zimbabwe-which the Lancaster House imperialist deal was designed to contain-are beginning to surface more and more openly.

Each day, and each move Mugabe makes, brings a new threat to the always unstable balance of class forces on which he first acquired and now seeks to maintain his position as Prime Minister.

Conflict is set flare up around a range specific issues.

But the basic conflict remains that between a capitalist state which, despite the level of mass struggle and Mugabe's organisational changes, remains politically intact in defence of private property and profitsand a working class and its oppressed allies which, despite the politically damaging effect of the Patriotic Front imperialist deal and the level of state repression, remains undefeated, and bound to move into struggle around a wide range of issues.

Obstacle Each day, workers, peasants and militants are coming up against the fact, not merely that Mugabe's government is not meeting their interests, but that it is a bosses' government, which stands as an obstacle in the struggle to meet those interests.

Frustration, resentment and anger are growing amongst the oppressed social layers from which the Patriotic Front built its armies and then drew its mass electoral support-the hundreds and thousands of peasants and workers of Tens of thousands of guerrillas remain incarcerated in camps, with no real prospect of adequate housing or jobs.

As part of his effort to control his former army, Mugabe is seeking to make limited housing available in the urban areas-conditional upon guerrillas surrendering their weapons and accepting the discipline of the army and And he is using aid from the Thatcher government to pay for British military advice in his efforts to dismantle his former army and build up a solid loyal officer corps within the national army.

Major-General Patrick Palmer, commander of the British forces in Zimbabwe, said recently:

"One of the most important needs in Zimbabwe at present is to consolidate the stability of the country. I believe that the British Army is making a big contribution towards achieving that."

Advisory team

The general commands 130 soldiers, marines and airmen who comprise the British training and advisory team in Zimbabwe. They form by far the largest British military training operation anywhere in the world.

Former Patriotic Worker on Zimbabwe sugar plantation military commanders have been unable to maintain their authority in the face of growing discontent amongst the guerrillas.

With many of them drawn into the privileged positions of the governing bureaucracy and a privileged officer caste, they have relied on the army and police to defend their position against growing rebellion.

Maintain control

In recent weeks, Mugabe has been forced to use the existing army and police force to maintain control over "dissident" guerrillas.

In his flirtation with land redistribution-made immediately possible by the desertion of large areas of land by white landowners, and almost unavoidable by spontaneous peasant seizures of unoccupied land in some areas, Mugabe has zealously avoided questioning the position of the banks, big business and capitalist farmers who control agriculture.

He has in fact used much essential cash aid, not for socially useful needs, but as compensation for capitalist tarmers.

Despite much rhetoric and limited reality, the land redistribution which has occurred has left untouched private ownership of the big capitalist farms.

More than half the farming land is still owned by just over 5,000 white capitalist farmers.

While those who work on the land are starved of training, implements, machinery and credit, even genuine land redistribution cannot in itself substantially change the conditions of life of the rural poor.

It is only if any redistribution were accompanied by the expropriation of the big capitalist farms and the banks and businesses which finance them that the condition of life of all those working on the land could be freed from the oppressive dictates of capitalist profitability and the market.

The dominance of finance capital over all spheres of production means that agricultural production will remain geared to profit.

And where agricultural production is geared towards profit, not need, the rural poor are doomed to a struggle for survival.

In the name of such redistribution, Mugabe is also seeking to control the discontent, concentrated amongst the hundreds of thousands who left the rural areas where the war was being waged.

'Superfluous'

As part of a programme to reduce the urban population to its pre-war levels, aid from the United Nations refugee fund is being used to dump superfluous population on their 'redistributed land'-without any social services, prospect of employment, or even the barest agricultural subsistence minimum.

In some areas, those resettled have left, and returned illegally to the urban areas.

Faced with the absence of any real change, and a growing suspicion of Mugabe's capacity to deliver it, the rural poor are becoming increasingly resentful and hostile.

While Robert Mugabe was meeting Lord Carrington an elderly tribesman was expressing bewilderment that no fewer than 26 people had travelled with the Zimbabwe Prime Minister at government expense.

Rapping the earth with his walking stick, he complained:

"They're always flying off to somewhere or other. They don't come to see us anymore."

In the Chinamora Tribal Trust Land-25 miles from the capital's centre, villagers showed their disdain for the new government by refusing to accept 10kilogram bags of fertiliser distributed by party officials.

"We told them to use it on their lawns in Salisbury. That's just about all you could use such a small amount for," a young man said.

Struggles in the rural areas, and the growing rebellion amongst sections of guerrillas have served as the most evident flashpoints of the underlying instability.

But it is in the struggles of the urban working class, and in the economically dominant urban industrial centres that the most fundamental political crises in Zimbabwe will be posed, and their resolution determined.

For despite the oppression of the peasantry, it is only the independent class interests of the working class which consistently direct against capitalism, and it is the working class alone which is capable of leading the revolutionary struggle for socialism.

Already in the unprecedented wave of strikes following Mugabe's victory, workers have given clear notice of their determination to turn the new situation to their own advantage.

Rural poverty and the impact of the war have combined to accelerate the population growth in the urban areas-at a rate which has far outstripped the provision of always pathetically inadequate social services.

Massive Even the most optimistic estimates of economic growth cannot hide the continuing massive crisis of unemployment facing the youth particularly heavily.

In 1979 there were about 250,000 jobless (from a labour force of about 1 million). They have been joined by 28,000 demobilised members of the former army, at least 50,000 returning refugees, 50,000 school leavers and at least 20,000 former guerrillas.

With inflation at well over 10% the mass of workers in the urban areas are bound to step up their demands around issues such as housing, jobs and wages.

In the face of this massive seething discontent, the capitalist employers are taking comfort from the way in which the Patriotic Front bureaucracy has turned from "championing" Urban living conditions for Zir:

workers' rights, to actively seeking to demobilise and suppress any independent attempt by workers to pursue these rights.

Reflecting on the haste with which Patriotic Front bureaucrats have grabbed economic spoils for themselves, employers are recognising the basis for an alliance in detence of economic privilege.

And they are reassuring themselves with the spectacle of Mugabe, who after years of threatening to 'lead' his guerrilla army to liberate' Salisbury, is now using Smith's police to shoot any guerrilla caught in Salisbury with arms.

But employers and privileged sections of the petty bourgeoisie cannot ignore the anger, discontent and continuing demand for change from the oppressed masses.

Capitalists are witholding investment, waiting for surer signs of Mugabe's ability to control his base-or, what amounts to the same thingguarantee their property and profits at the expense of the working class.

Profits

in the supposed quest ::: jobs and economic developme: Mugabe is desperately seeking : guarantee profits and win :3::. alist confidence.

But capitalist profits =: confidence demand an incres.: in the very exploitation ar: political control over worke:: which led them into struggle = the first place.

In the face of a grow:;

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settlement JMENT ORKERS Signing the Lancaster House settlement By Jin Fa: nham MURDER Page