Solidarity with Polish Workers!

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desperate move to stop the spread of soviet-type bodies and general strike action from Gdansk and the Baltic ports throughout the whole of But any independent organs of the working class are irreconcilable with the continued existence of the Stalinist bureaucracy, whose power rests on its political control.

The Polish working class now has a voice through which it can expose, criticise and mobilise against not only the police powers of the bureaucracy but also against their high salaries, special shops and other material privileges.

The independent union organisation of the working class was destroyed in the Soviet Union as one of the first consequences of • the bureaucratic degeneration of the workers' state in the rise of Stalin's faction after the death of Lenin.

Dual power

The Kremlin leaders have never allowed such rights in any of the deformed workers' states.

This latest dual power-oI "duality of power" as Kania has called it-cannot continue indefinitely. Yet it is precisely this untenable state of affairs which Walesa and the leadership of Solidarity are seeking to preserve by holding back strike action.

The economic situation of Poland-which has worsened since the strikes first erupted in July, and now finds Poland $24 billion in debt to the Western capitalists-now looms over developments, Interest payments and other debts now absorb virtually the whole of Poland's projected hard currency revenue, and force the bureaucracy to seek means of lowering the living standards of the working class.

This situation exposes the weaknesses of the Solidarity leadership. They do not seek the political overthrow of the bureaucracy. They set out simply to reform away the worst aspects of bureaucratic rule.

They query not the bureaucratically planned production of the national economic "cake"but simpiy the uneven way in which its inadequate crumbs are distributed.

The Polish economy is planned solely by bureaucrats, with no reference to the demands or wishes of the masses. It exhibits therefore all of the deformations of the USSR and the other bureaucratic workers' states. To accept this means to tie the hands of the working class. And the Solidarity leadership has failed in any way to challenge the strategy of building "socialism in one country" which preserves the isolation of the Polish economy by actively opposing revolutionary struggles in the capitalist countries.

Trotsky and the Left Opposition long ago showed the integrated nature of the world economy, and the impossibility of building socialism in one country.

The impact of the capitalist crisis on Poland and other East European states shows that this is equally true even of a bloc of "socialist" countries encircled by imperialism.

Solidarity, however, by restricting itself to demands within the framework of the deformed workers state implicitly accepts the inevitability of an economic crisis which in fact flows from the domestic and international policies of the bureaucracy.

This is why the same leaders who fought so courageously for the right to strike, argue now against workers using this new right.

They came from a mass movement that they led, only months ago. They still have this mass pressure on them and they are still capable of leading important struggles such as demanding the release of political prisoners. But their political weaknesses will be continuously exposed.

Added to this limitation is the reactionary influence of the Catholic Church upon the leadership of Solidarity.

Church leaders at first saw the mass movement as a useful means to strengthen their position within the deformed workers' state. Now, in exchange for the appointment of a Catholic as Deputy Prime Minister, they are agitating in defence of the Kania bureaucracy.

This position is not in conflict with the ultimate trend of the Church towards the restoration of capitalism. The Church is simply trying to achieve its objectives by gradually strengthening its own power in Polish society and by consolidating an alliance with the most reactionary sections of the bureaucracy itself, which possibly might promote substantial changes of the economic system.

But despite these problems the mass of the Polish working class has now realised its power, and it has the means of expression for the first time ever. Workers do not trust the bureaucracy. Any new attack on their living standards is likely to receive a rapid and militant response.

The Polish bureaucracy knows this full well. It is openly split. Some sections are already saying they are willing to call in Soviet tanks. Other, so-called moderates (though they include Moczar who has a history of anti-semitism), look towards applying pressure on Solidarity -to persuade its leaders not to struggle, to infiltrate its leading layers, bureaucratise it, and thus from within work to destroy its independent strength.

Yet this strategy suggests peacefully taking away from the workers gains they have struggled to achieve. This is impossible; and for this reason the threat of an invasion by the Kremlin bureaucracy is very real. The Polish movement is a threat to bureaucrats all over Eastern Europe-not least in the USSR itself.

These Stalinist leaders will not allow instability to remain for too long. They have given their Polish colleagues a brief period of time before they move in with the ultimate solution of a desperate bureaucracy-tanks and bullets.

This is a real danger and is no doubt in the minds of the Polish working class. The problem is that holding back struggles only makes the Soviet bureaucracy feel that the Polish working class is afraid of an invasion and therefore makes them more confident to carry it out.

The Polish working class must strengthen its unity in struggle and appeal to the rest of the East European and Soviet working class and the Red Army.

The real danger of an invasion must be met not simply by the Polish working class, but by a movement of workers throughout Eastern Europe to mobilise opposition to the bureaucracy in the USSR and every country of the Warsaw Pact as well as their armies.

At the same time we fight for solidarity within the capitalist countries.

Within the world Stalinist Parties the Polish events have created a tremendous new crisis. The Polish struggle vindicates the struggle of Trotsky and the Left Opposition, and the necessity of reconstructing the Trotskyist Fourth International with parties in the deformed workers' states.

What is needed in Poland is a Trotskyist party to fight for a political revolution. Such a al control of these countries and oust the parasitic bureau*Defend the independent trade unions.

*Set up Gdansk-type soviet bodies throughout Poland. For a centralised soviet to speak for the Polish proletariat.

*Set up soldiers' councils in the Polish armed forces to send delegates to the soviets. Form a workers' militia, linked to the soldiers' councils.

*End all bureaucratic privileges-high salaries and special shops. Officials to be paid the average wage of industrial workers and subjected to annual election and recall.

*Open the books of the economy to elected workers' representatives as a step towards genuine workers' management of a planned economy.

*For defence of the nationalised property relations.

*End secret diplomacy. Reveal the Warsaw Pact discussions on Poland!

*Withdraw Soviet and Warsaw Pact troops from Poland; no to any invasion. Hands off Poland!

*Appeal to the Soviet and Warsaw Pact troops to set up soldiers' councils. Àppeal to the workers of Eastern Europe to follow the Polish lead. Down with the bureaucracy!

All sections of the Trotskyist International Liaison Committee will campaign now against the danger of a Kremlin intervention and in solidarity with the Polish working class in the struggle for political revolution.