Socialiste Poland on the Brink

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Who runs Poland?

That is the stark essence of the latest confrontation between the new union, Solidarity, and the Stalinist bureaucratic regime in Warsaw.

While the government rules out any concessions on Saturday working the leaders of the working class "declare" a five day week with no loss of pay.

The gauntlet has been thrown down. Will the government pick it up? If it fails to do so, the consequences may be as grave as if it does.

Solidarity was built on the base of the massive struggles by Polish workers which erupted last summer and brought the country to the brink of a general strike.

The government was forced to concede a 21-point document making economic and political concessions to workers' demands. One of them was an end to Saturday working. Since then only a handful of the 21 points have been conceded in practice. Meanwhile the worsening shortages of consumer goods and even basic foodstuffs and medicines in the shops have made the agreed wage increases appear almost relevant. Living stanuarus are Tarrinn atanAnada nan falling even while nominal wages are going up.

Polish workers who fought to secure independent unions now look for material benefits from their struggles: and the most tangible gain that they can hope to secure in a beleagured Polish economy is additional ume oil work.

Hence the working class pressure on Solidarity leaders to carry through a confrontation with the bureaucracy-even while Russian tanks wait on Poland's borders and the Warsaw Stalinists warn that no concessions can be made.

According to the Warsaw leaders, the implementation of a five day week could cost up to €2,500 million a year in lost output, and require an extra 500,000 workers.

Reluctant

This is clearly an exaggeration: the bureaucratically mismanaged nationalised economy is already subject to huge delays, bottlenecks and lay-offs.

New government plans involve a cut in the workforce of 1.5 million to improve productivity.

But it is true that the Polish economy-some £25 billion in hock to Western governments and bankers-can ill afford to implement a five-day week at this point.

This is why Solidarity leader Lech Walesa-now off for more detailed consultations with the Pope and other Church leaders -has been so reluctant to press us-or any oter -issue.

He knows that any significant demand at this point calls in effect for the removal rather than the reform of the present But the demands of the Polish workers and the strength they felt in last year's strug have achieved a momen Which Walesa cannot comple control.

This has flowed into political field as well. British mass media now ec] with open criticism of bureaucracy, with televi programmes presented by m workers wearing Solida badges.

Plans for the launching Solidarity's own newspaper being pressed forward in c challenge to the state censor and dictatorial suppressior opposition exercised by Polish regime.

Time and again workors taking strike action to force removal ot partıcularly hi Stalinist bureaucrats ın 1 government or managen posts. More and more apparatus of the police stat coming under attack.

Power

The political power Stalinist bureaucracies Poland, the other East Euroj states, and the Soviet U itself rests not as in capitalist countries on private ownership of banks, tories, and other means Production: it rests solely ine ablity or the parasitic caste who administer the nationalised economies to suppress the organised independent strength of the working class.

Once the bureaucracy's power to crush dissent and political criticism is destroyed, egles itum the The hoes the ision edia arity of are ›pen ship 1 of the are : the ated ocal nent the te is the in lean Lion the the facof on the road is open politic ally overthrow the Stalinists and take control of the nationalised industries in the struggle for socialism.

New loans The Stalinist leaders recognise this all too well. This is why, despite the huge military, economic and political problems that would ensue, there is no doubt that the Kremlin leaders would sooner invade Polandand some Warsaw leaders sooner invite them in-than witness a political revolution in Poland that could rapidly extend throughout East Europe and the USSR itself.

The capitalist leaders recognise this, too. This is why they are falling over themselves to offer new loans, cheap food supplies and renegotiation of debts to avoid precipitating major struggles in Poland.

But the Polish workers movement does not grasp this. Solidarity lacks a developed Trotskyist leadership that is prepared to spell out a revolutionary, internationalist programme for the mobilisation of workers throughout the deformed workers' states in the struggle for the overthrow of Stalinist bureaucracy and the ectahlichment of the nower of workers' councils.

In the meantime Poland teeters on the brink: the brink of mass struggle, and the brink of a possible Kremlin invasion. FOUR-PAGE SUPPLEMENT

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