Perhaps We Should

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Police arrest woman demonstrator, 1931 (top) and street fighting (October 1931) London. made several arrests.

*The Tories had better do something about unemployment or else it will lead to social unrest ...

Thus run the "threats" of Labourites and trade union leaders.

But what exactly do they mean by "social unrest"? The average worker under 60 can be forgiven for assuming that this means an increase in the crime rate or demonstrations outside Tory Party Conferences.

However, the TUC leadership and the Labourites know exactly what sort of "social unrest" mass unemployment causes, because their predecessors spent so much time trying to stop it in the 1930s.

Ah! The Thirties! You mean those heady. days when Jack Jones went off to fight fascism in Spain?

And those orderly marching men from Jarrow playing harmonicas on their peaceful crusade to London?

Well, that's not a very complete picture.

In September 1931 the Labour cabinet openly declared their procapitalist position (they'd been doing it secretly for ages) by joining in a coalition National Government with the Tories and some Liberals.

Ramsay MacDonaid quipped "Every duchess in Britain will want to kiss me tonight" as he went from Labour Prime Minister to lead the National Increasingly vicious attacks on workers' living standards became government policy.

Postmen, teacher soldiers civil servants, rank and file and policemen all had their wages cut.

On 12 September 1931 naval ratings (not officers) had their pay cut by a shilling a daywhich meant a 25% cut in wages for some sailors.

Three days later the Fleet at Invergordon mutinied.

They refused to obey their officers, and held mass meetings. They managed to obtain a smaller cut in their pay in the end.

Meanwhile, mass demonstrations by the unemployed became an increasing feature of daily life in many cities.

The unemployed were particularly organised in. the National Unemployed Workers Movement (NUWM), led by Stalinists from the Communist fighting batons drawn.

Whitehall was repeatedly the scene of violent streetfighting between the police and angry unemployed workers.

To even qualify for dole, a use as weapons. worker had to submit to a degrading Means Test, where even the income of his children and the value of his furniture could be subtracted from his parts of the city. claim.

Many families literally starved. Most unemployed were underfed, and since medical care was all private then, they Exchanges in London. couldn't afford to pay for the treatment of long-term illnesses like tuberculosis.

On 1 October 1931, 50,000 unemployed rallied at Glasgow Green. • They were banned from marching through the city centre, and as they were forming ranks they were charged by mounted and foot police with unprovoked attack prompted a ferocious response. The workers tore up the iron railings around the Green to The battle extended through the city centre until after midnight. The next day sporadic fighting continued in various Lord Trenchard, head of the Metropolitan Police of thee banned meetings unemployed PATT Labour This provoked very fierce daily fighting around many Labour Exchanges all 'OVer The dole was cut by 10% in November 1931. Among other attacks Means Test Officers were given the right to visit a claimant's home at any time and interrogate any member of the family or neighbours to find out information.

Many resolutions этом passed by trade union branches calling for strike action to force the government to abolish the be turned down. Means Test-but the TUC bureaucracy soon put paid to any such militancy.

The NUWM called a two-day conference in May 1932 attended by 657 delegates.

trade union rates.

Petition A million-signature petition to Parliament opposing the Means Test and benefit cuts was launched, to be presented on the arrival of a National Hunger March in London in the autumn.

The petition also called for the restoration of the cuts in the arrested. social services.

police from other parts of country arrived.

A large march that evening went from a park through the town and back to the park where once again police launched a baton charge.

Workers following the Glasgow example tore up the railings, and fighting went on until late in the night.

Hospitalised Thirty seven policemen were hospitalised.

Next day the police marched in military formation through Birkenhead and another great demonstration was held with more fighting as a result.

At midnight the police raided working class streets, smashing' windows, assaulting people who they considered to have been involved and arresting others.

The whole of the NUWM branch committee was arrested.

The following night there was another raid, but the workers were ready. Wire was stretched across the streets and dustbins and other missiles were hurled from upstairs windows.

This went on for three suçcessive nights. Lorry loads of police would swarm into tenements looking for "loot", breaking furniture, ribs, arms and legs and shouting "shut up, you parish-ted " bastards!" as they batoned women, children and ex-army invalids alike.

The next day the workers gained their increase in benefit. 21 September saw much the same thing happen in Liverpool.

On 28 September fighting broke out at West Ham in East London when 20,000 marched against the Means Test.

3 October saw fighting in "respectable" Croydon. On 4 October West Ham against saw fighting and so did North Shields the next day.

In Belfast 2,000 unemployed workers engaged on compulsory relief work struck for more money.

This gained massive working class support from employed and unemployed, Catholics and Protestants.

The police used armoured cars and batons at first, but when this failed to beat the thousands of stone throwing The numbers on the Hunger workers they opened fire with March were limited to 2,500 rifles and wounded many, five because of the problems of of them seriously. accommodation pue food. . Barricades went up and a Thousands of others who had curfew was enforced. On applied to join the march had to Wednesday 11 Uctober one of the wounded died. British September 1932 troops were called in. 10,000 Birkenhead unemployed marched to the offices of the Public Assistance Committee demanding increased benefits, boots, coal and public work at The PAC even agreed to send policies a telegram to the government calling for the abolition of the Means Test, but as the procesSocialist Press pamphiet sion marched away the police attacked it with batons pue outlining programme of action against the Tory NUWM organised offensive.

September to protest against this and demand the release of Price 45p including postage from WSL, BM Box: 5277, London WCIN 3XX.

Strong reinforcements of More workers were shot, but. the armed police and troops were occasionally repulsed by sheer numbers.

In the Falls Road area barricadeș were built and trenches were dug! Over 50 people had severe gunshot wounds.

Belfast Trades Council called for a General Strike. That night another wounded worker died. The Falls Road and the Shankhill-the poorest Catholic and Protestant areas-were the scene of particularly hard fighting between the state and the risen workers demanding "We want bread!"

More troops arrived and stopped food going into the working class areas. The funeral procession of the dead worker took 2½ hours to pass through Belfast.

Only after the shootings and violence against the working clașs did the Government eventually give in-making very big concessions in which some people got double the old rate of relief.

Gains through Gangs of armed Orangemen finished off what the state couldn't defeat, by using sectarian tactics to divide the united working class.

One of the most interesting lessons for today is shown by *Labour' MP Sir Stafford Cripps (MP for East Bristol) who said in the Commons:

"What are we to say to the unemployed of Bristol who point to Birkenhead? We who are daily trying to persuade them that they will achieve nothing by rioting, that they can only achieve by constitutional action, are met by the argument: 'But what happened in Birkenhead?' Is anyone going to convince an unemployed worker who is told by a Communist that the way he can force relief out of a local authority is by mass action that these concessions have not been given as a result of force?"

These self same reformist arguments are trotted out by Labour MPs and councillors in 1981, as they struggle to convince angry workers that they should accept Tory cuts in social services and living standards until the next election -in 1984!

When the TUC leaders say "no return to the 1930s" their slogan is ambiguous. Perhaps it is high time workers went back to some of the class struggle methods that confronted the capitalists in that period and press home the fight to bring down the Thatcher government.