[Second, while the report talks rightly about the…]

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Second, while the report talks rightly about the need for the working class and its allies to form its own organisations of struggle, it is much too apt to think in terms of what to do with existing organisations rather than to start with the purpose for which organisation is required and then propose the appropriate kind of orsanisations Third, the report, reflecting its source, has a tendency to glorify both shop stewards and trades councils. Many shop stewards and trades councils are major obstacles to the fight for workers' democracy and a militant strugglę against canitalists, the Tory government and the Labour leadership.

The report would be more realistic if it acknowledged that and gave some examples from the struggles which it otherwise describes in so much detail:

Finally, the book stresses organisations much more than policies in its concluding chapter on the needs for a defensive and offensive struggle. of the working class.

If its important critique of Labour's failures is to bè built on then it will be crucial to develop in detail policies relating to the ending of Benn business secrets (an important obstacle to the workers in every case discussed); work sharing, occupations and so on. On all of this the report as it stands is tar too vague and reticent.

It is also important for there to be more thought within the labour movement about how to convert the plan for alternative production produced by the Lucas Aerospace stewards combine from the world-famous propaganda device which it now is into a concrete agitational weapon in the fight for workers' control of production , and socialism. tion, the subordination of women is itself a subordinate part of the struggle to uphold the values of private property, ownership and exploitation for profit.

In other words the material and psychological oppression of women is for the bourgeoisie today simply part and parcel of their material explöitation of the working class. *:

And this material situation has found its more or less direct reflection in the mystical "values" and "ideals" of religion, of bourgeois, legality, bourgeois philosophy and; of course in language-both in its literary and its daily use.

No control Working class men therefore are in a sense as excluded from language as are women.

They • did not create the language: they have no control over it; their experiençes are missing from it; and their oppression and exploitation are simultaneously concealed and in part prolonged by it.

While we must recognise the problems and inadequacies in the English lahguage, our fight to find means of expression adequate for the experience of women and the oppressed must be part of our fight to break the monopoly hold exercised by the bourgeoisie over the means of production, education and propaganda. • There is no literary answer to the problems of English as a "man made language": only a revolutionary answer. problem-but only a socialist can show us how to put it right.