Technology kills jobs!

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The giant Philips electrical monopoly once had the UK capacity to manufacture 400,000 colour TV sets a year in two plants, at Lowestoft (employing 1,100) and Croydon (employing 1400).

Now they have shut their Lowestoft plant, sacking 1,100 and have increased their capacity to 500,000 sets based on Croydon alone.

For many workers this is the reality of unemployment -jobs disappearing 1. not because of a worldwide recession; not because of de-stocking, but because there is no need to employ people to do the work.

In TV manufacture there are two factors that have led to so big a reduction in the labour content per set, changes in technology mean less components per set, and management have devised "improved' production methods.

TV sets 10U only product where the introduction of the microprocessor has slashed the number of components.

Singers now produce a sewing machine where one microprocessor has replaced 350 mechanical parts.

The same is happening in automobile electronics, in telecommunications equipment, and in many other areas.

Maintenance

This affects the jobs not only of those who work in manufacturing industry, but in servicing and maintenance.

Western Electric estimate that there will be a 75% reduction in the need for labour in maintenance, repairs and installations work as a result of the introduction of electronic telephone exchanges.

Of course, the effects of 'new technology' on employment are by no means confined to the consequences of so drastic a reduction of the number of components in so many manufactured goods.

But far too often discussion on the subject tends to be confined to the likely impact of robotics on production lines.

We are all aware of the consequences of this (we need look no further than Longbridge) but this is by no means all, or even the major part of the story.

Une group who will be most severely affected, for instance, will be postmen, suffering the direct effect of the reduction of the amount of mail as improved computer-based communications systems hit the amount of business mail.

Indeed, it is likely that, severe though it may be for some workers, the job reduction following on the introduction of robots on the shop floor, will be considerably slower to affect us than other areas of new technology, simply because robots are still very expensive.

It office that cheap computer-based systems already hitting jobs.

APEX expects 500,000 office jobs to go by 1983. And a recent study in the Land Registry Department of the Civil Service indicated that computerisation would reduce the number of typists" jobs from 662 to 20, and cut clerical jobs from 3393 to 2492.

There is considerable evidence that many firms are using the recession as an excuse to get rid of labour, and then replacing the "redundant" workers with new technology systems.

Any study of unemployment figures shows a steep underlying rise in structural not merely cyclical unemployment, and the projections to the future are equally grim.

And unemployment is not the only threat that 'new technology' poses to organised workers.

Deskilling will increasingrob many workers of their bargaining strength, while improved communication systems will strengthen the power of multi-national companies.

It will be perfectly possible to carry on the day-to-day running of a factory in Scotland from a head office in California.

The first demand that new technology stimulates is that for shorter working time. But this is not in itself sufficient.

Changes in technology raise very directly the question of control; we have the means to vastly increase the wealth of the world, to abolish many boring routine jobs. But these potential opportunities present themselves to us as a threat to jobs and a loss of bargaining power.

Never was the anarchy of capitalism and the case for socialism more clearly made:

What is needed is the development of plans on new technology by shop stewards committees, linking staff and manual unions.

The demand for full disclosure of information by companies on their forward planning of products and production techniques, must be raised and fought for.

It is not enough to demand planning agreements at the top, and the revival of "Sector Working Parties' on an industry basis.

The rank and file must be alerted to what is happening, involved in the fight to force the disclosurf. of all necessary information, and bring their strength to bear in the fight to defend jobs and improve working conditions.

And, under conditions where the new technology has the power to improve or destroy the living standards of the vast majority, the fight must be redoubled for the nationalisation of the major firms and the banks that finance them, without compensation under workers management. convinced hundreds _of women there that there is no way we can remain indifferent or uninvolved to the fight against British imperialism in the six counties.

The minute's silence on the death of Bobby Sandsas a mark of respect to a class fighter, regardless of sex-was a mark of acceptance by all that the great enemy is imperialism and capitalism.

Similar

The Festival was very similar overall to the early Women's Liberation Movement conferences which also had speakers from struggles, workshops on abortion, rape, black women, gay women and women This Festival had more class content in response to the extent of the Tories' attacks and the deepening of capitalism's crisis.

It was interesting, stimulating, and jam packed.

It was also the sort of forum where conflict over policies and direction was diffused.

It offered unity and sisterhood, was very colourful and good fun.

But a hell of a lot more is needed apart from this to defeat the Tories and carry forward the fight for revolutionary socialism.

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| Healey heckled, but CHAPPLE LIVES TO Hammer blows BETRAY AGAIN at Losinksa Hull sell-out Age Apart from the pay campaign debate the CPSA Annual Conference at Brighton saw several major victories for the left, including one (the election of senior full-time officers)

of historic compromise in the fight for democracy in the workers' movement.

The "Daylight" (Moderate) Group-dominated National Executive recieved succession of hammer blows on just about every major policy decision.

Despite the drubbing handed out to the rightwing, the national elections showed that Kate Losinska, Charlie Elliott and their supporters still have a clear majority on the NEC.

The Broad Left did however make inroads in the elections and practically swept the board in the DHSS and Department of Employment.

The most significant decision of the week was the left's victory on the election of full-time officers.

The Executive's recommendations were thrown out and a rule change was approved (with the necessary two-thirds majority on a card vote) making election of all senior full-time officials mandatory every five years.

This is the start of a process which can lead to more regular election of all 'full timers.

The Executive was also slammed for attempting to allow Work Experience Programmes into the civil. service (totally against dopted policies) and for iccepting job losses in nego-. lations over new techology.

Tensions reached a peak

BRILI

On hearing the result of the vote about 100 delegates from the right wing bastion of the Ministry of Defence section staged a walk-outthreatening to withdraw their members from the pay strikes.

They were pursued by chants of "scab" and individual delegates allowed themselves to be provoked into a brief flurry of pushing and shoving.

The debates on affiliations saw • the defeat of moves to disaffiliate from the Anti Nazi League and a long overdue airing of affiliation to the National Abortion Campaign.

Successful

The mere fact that the latter debate took place was due to activities of the reborn Civil Service Women's Rights Group, which organised successful lobbying of the standing orders committee to ensure that the NAC question could not be filibustered off the agenda for a fourth year running (Losinska and Charlie Elliott the two leading right wingers both have links with Catholic Action).

The "discussion" in the end was highly unsatisfactory, with hand-picked LIFE and SPUC members churning out the old anti-abortion horror stories.

Eventually next business' was moved and declared to be carried by Losinska (to the outrage of all in the observers' gallery who could see the voting).

It is clear however that the Civil Service Women's Rights Group has gained enormous impetus.

A start was also made on the vital task of curtailing the powers of the President (a post which is more very worried about ments.

Their witch-hunting and "Trotskyite" baiting becoming , more and more desperate. It is very likely that they will turn increasingly to the courts to protect their position (already they are taking legal advice on at least three important internal matters).

The Broad Left for its part has stepped up recruitment and is well placed to expose the "Moderates" over their conduct of the pay campaign.

A packed Broad Left fringe rally was addressed by Dennis Skinner MP at his loudest and leftest.

He stressed the need to bring down the Tories outside Parliament and launched a scathing attack on the Healey/Shore/Hattersley wing of the Labour Party.

He also rejected the bipartisan policy on Ireland and described Don Concannon's visit to the dying Bobby Sands as "disgusting and nauseating"

The Conference reflected the rapidly falling average age of the CPSA membership -with a significant number of very young delegates.

Hopeful

The future for the left in the union therefore looks very hopeful-only political stagnation amongst the Broad Left leadership can lead to the wasting of the current opportunities.

The Militant grouping is still very much dominant, with a cadre of very able but politically constipated members in leadership positions.

The influence of the Communist Party and Tribunite left is visibly declining, though still important.

"Free speech for dissidents in the EETPU"

was among the witty slogans of a 70-strong rank and file lobby of the union's Biennial Conference last week.

The slogan hit the nail on the head. For while it suits Frank Chapple's anti-communist crusade to lend opportunist verbal support to the Polish Solidarity movement (a resolution to this effect was carried at the conference), he and his right wing cronies oppose the revolutionary class character of Solidarity.

Hence a resolution from Dagenham calling on the EETPU to emulate the new Polish union-with a single union having all its officials elected and its negotiations broadcast to the workers affected-was omitted from the conference order paper, despite angry protests.

The lobby had been called to draw attention to the level of bureaucratic repression within the EETPU -with both the Midland branch (Birmingham) and London Central branch currently closed down, and other branches-including Cardiff branch-denied the opportunity to send delegates.

In the event a motion in opposition to the bureaucratic closure of branches and lodges was carried against the wishes of the Executive Council.

But despite stiff resistance from the floor of the conference the EC eventually declared carried a rule change eliminating the "transferable vote" system of election which Chapple had introduced in the 1960s.

That system had increasingly begun to benefit the left wing in the union-raising the spectre of an eventual left wing victory. But the Communist Party (who customarily come Clive Jenkins' increassecond in the initial poll)

supported the EC proposal to switch to a system of two rounds-in which the top two candidates in the first round go forward to a runoff election. This they hope will eliminate the CP's left wing opponents.

No speaker was allowed to oppose this proposaldespite the fact that a Southampton delegate was on his feet for an hour supported by chants of "let him speak"

Even then the motion was lost on the first show of hands, and it took a tonguelashing from Frank Chapple who took over the chair, to whip the abstainers into line and procure a vote close enough to be declared carried.

But nothing could disguise the heavy 2-1 defeat suffered by the EC on the issue of participation in private medical schemes.

The EETPU has become notorious throughout the labour movement for its negotiation of such schemes for sections of its members.

But despite efforts to rule it off the agenda, a resolution condemning Tory attacks on the NHS, pledging to defend the NHS, and calling on the EC to oppose "all forms of private practice including medical insurance schemes such as those operated by BUPA and the Private Patients' Plan" , to dissociate itself from all such agreements, and deploring the "support and comfort afforded • to private health schemes by the participation of trade anions" was carried.

Another motion that was clearly carried on a show of hands-but declared lost by chairman Tom Breakall-was on picket lines.

It sought to commit the union to respecting picket lines both of other sections of the EETPU and of other unions.

Such elementary trade unionism was carried by a Breakall pronounced good majority-and as defeated he was greeted by slow handclapping from angry delegates. while he fumed about Maoists" and "Trotskyists" trying to break up the conference.

Dennis Healey's electioneering speech, filled with selected witch-hunting material, also received a surprisingly stormy reception from delegates in which again the chair seemed almost to lose control of the conference.

But the Standing Orders Committee retained their composure sufficiently to block any discussion of the 30 emergency resolutions submitted calling for support for the Irish hunger strikers and their five demands.

Chapple has survived another conference: but the groundswell of opposition within the union remains strong. And the key role in suppressing that movement will continue to be played by Chapple's former Stalinist comrades in the Communist Party

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