Fascists on Trial

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After nine months of attacks on working class and revolutionary organisations, Turkey's military dictators have now decided to turn against the right.

Three hundred leaders of the fascist National Action Party (including leader Turkes, the whole central committee, and some organisers of front organisations) have been put on trial on charges carrying the death penalty.

This development, which does not in any way give the junta an "anti-fascist" character, does not come in isolation.

Previous events, combined with an understanding of the essentially bonapartist nature of the regime, are key to making a correct assessment.

The Generals usurped power to secure the interests of monopoly capitalism and imperialism in a situation of civil war. Society was divided into two camps; the fascists, and the left led by the working class and its organisations.

Every street in every village, town or city was a no go area for one or other of the two sides and were patrolled by armed men.

Bourgeois democracy could not be maintained in these conditions. in t act, Parliamentary democı acy ended in 1978 with the introduction of martial law in eleven big cities.

The crucial point for the generals' coup vas that the two sides were balanced. This was the case because the leadership of the working class, both reformist and Stalinist, peddled illusions in parhament, tying the working class to a form of western' democracy that has never existed in Turkey.

Large sections of the peasantry and middle class, together with some demoralised sections of the working class began to look to the military for a 'saviour', Generals Evren and Celasun because there is a long tradition' of military intervention in Turkish political life.

The main motive in this search was not ihe political terror, but the collapse of living standards as Turkey felt the full weight of the crisis.

The military was able to carry out a bloodless coup for these two reasons; the balance between fascism and the left and this mood that looked to the military to avoid open civil war.

Therefore the generals must do two things to maintain their rule. They must maintain the balance between the two : sides (which although quiet are still very much in existence). And the generals must keep the spectre of terror and violence alive as a determining factor in the consciousness of those who welcomed the military "saviour' Since the coup it has been the left who have taken the brunt of the attacks. This has disturbed the balance in that the working class has been forced to make itself felt.

It is indicative that two leaders of Turk-ls, the yellow trade union, could not feel able to participate in the Arbitration Court, a state body set up to attack living standards through wage control. Open violence between the left and military also grew.

General Evren is now trying to restore the credibility of Turk-ls. There is also an attempt to play down the prospects of violence, in that Evren has said 'you can stop terrorism but you can't annihilate it" • That is, he doesn't want to take on the working class in a fight to the finish.

It is in this context of minor concessions and big promises to the left that the current trial of the fascist NAP should be see. The trial will last a long time. And it is clear that unless the generals strengthen their hold and eliminate all opposition, the destruction ot NAP will not be car through.

Setback

The bourgeoisie will nc contemplate the crushing c the instrument of its la: resort, organised fascism.

However, the views ( the bourgeoisie and the NA leaders do not coincide. Th trial does mean a setback fr the fascists. Anti-fascist fee ings generally will fostered and the way will t open for the purguing ‹ fascists from the army an state institutions.

Also, Turkes' neck clearly at the mercy Evren. The NAP trial Is tr background of the shootir of the Pope by a member ‹ the Grey Wolves-the NA