No Confidence in Wilson Policies!

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This statement, adopted by the National Committee of the Workers Socialist League at branches the day before Wilson's resignation from the Labour leadership was announced. The new questions arising from the Parliamentary defeat of the Labour government brought about MPs on the vote to endorse the White Paper proposing Healey's spending cuts.

Although press attention since Wilson's resignation has (to the obvious relief of the lefts) very much shifted away from the actions of these 37 MPs - who abstained on the one day, but who loyally trooped in to vote to uphold Wilson's economic strategy the next day - we are convinced that these political questions are in no way altered by the present hullabaloo of leadership elections. The very fact that the 37 have again "abstained" rather than stand a candidate in opposition to Wilson's policies shows the accuracy of the political assessment in the statement. The defeat of the Wilson vernment in Parliament last dinesday, 10th March marks new stage in the fight for irking class leadership. It Is a reflection of the growing entment and opposition loughout the working class The present Labour government • not elected under normal ditions. It was thrust into power the mass movement of the iking class which, spearheaded the miners, forced the hated Ith government to resign in mary 1974, and returned pority Labour government.

RESISTANCE The mass resistance of the Hing class to Tory policies ch attacked living standards and ry basic right then continued ler the Labour government. The pers, who had defied pressure a both 'left' and right in order lemain on strike throughout the tion, forced a massive pay ease, and wage militancy tinued to grow in 1974, bicularly in the state industries.

National Industrial ations Court, retained by hon, was confronted by the EW and withdrawn in the face national strike action. In lober, workers returned a jority Labour government, ermined to see no return to the bes.

The Labour government's onse to this was to consolidate I reactionary wage-cutting ¡cial contract" with the TUC raucracy, while turning to ite mass unemployment and wing , inflation to rocket. The E leaders, fearing the forward rement of the class could unseat m from their privileged itions, willingly joined in this impt to hold back the working RAILMEN but the developing resistan se of working class emerged last imer in the railwaymen's pay # in which • both TUC and ernment "guidelines" and even TUC leadership itself were hed aside and a 30% pay ease forced through.

From then on Chancellor Healey in to turn even more openly to * he described as «Tory cies" to curb the wage asive. His most powerful ally • T&GWU leader Jack Jones, • forced through acceptance of "voluntary" TUC pay rictions which were mediately made enforceable at by the Wilson government. At the same time a sharp turn ards in unemployment began as jey started consciously to create as pool of unemployed to ten the working class - the i has now topped 1½ million, I on its way towards 2 million. be cash twict and tam of the two key factors: on the one hand historic depths of class collaboration by the TUC leaders, who are presiding over and advocating the biggest-ever cut in working class living standards in this country, without a single voice of principle raised against; and on the other, the spineless capitulation on every sharp issue by the 'Tribune' group of 80 left' MPs, who have refused at any point to fight for the removal of the Wilson-Healey, leadership, or to challenge the betrayals of the TUC leaders.

VOTED The lefts' have voted for the state pay laws, the kyder plan, the Chrysler plan for mass sackings and speed up, and successive Healey Budgets, every one of which has diverted money from the working class into the coffers of private employers. Their timid bleats of 'opposition' have been restricted to calling on Wilson to implement the reactionary and nationalistic policy of import controls, and placing faith in the National Enterprise Board - the body set up by Wilson to direct government subsidies to hard-up capitalist industries.

The cringing capitulation of both TUC and lefts' runs completely contrary to the growing hostility and fesistance to Wilson's betrayals amongst the strongest layers of workers. The solid strike action at Chryslers Linwood factory; the narrow majority won by the NUM right wing in the recent ballot against the national pits overtime ban; the militant action of Eastern Region railwaymen who struck unofficially against the cuts in rail services last week and were only with great difficulty forced back to work by the ASLEF leaders; and the widespread support for demonstrations and rallies against the government spending cuts on the social services, are all indications of this.

PALE Parliament: k were just etronathon The : we this ATI Benn and Heffer (for the first time in any numbers) abstained on the vote for Healey's White Paper of social services spending cuts and hand-outs to industry. They did not of course take the correct position and vote against these proposals, but their action still caused a Parliamentary defeat for Wilson.

But rather than press home the political lessons of this defeat and withdraw all support from Wilson on this issue, the "lefts' then trooped next day into the lobbies to vote confidence : in Healey's economic strategy! This simply restored the contents of the White Paper, and confirmed to Wilson yet again that the lefts' are no serious opposition.

WRONG

We say clearly: the left' MPs must be supported in having given no backing to the White Paper (though they should have opposed it); but they were absolutely wrong next day to reverse this stand by giving Wilson's policies a vote of confidence which will now prop up still longer this reactionary Labour There must be no confusion on the issues posed. If Wilson were defeated in Parliament on such a question and forced to go to the country in an election, then the responsibility would rest entirely with Wilson. Even if a Tory government were returned as a result of such a struggle, this would be the outcome of two years of Wilson betrayals and attacks on the working class, not the fault of those who now oppose him.

NEW Indeed the removal of Wilson within the Labour Party would take the whole struggle for working class leadership to a new far higher level - with the most advanced layers of workers putting down further demands on the lefts' who finally stood and fought Wilson, This process would do far more to strengthen the working class and develop revolutionary leadership even under a Tory government, than years of opportunist phrase manderina and left' analnoies for its last meeting was circulated to statement is an assessment of the by the abstention of 37 left-wing It now seems clear that the days of this government are numbered. The Tories, thriving on the demoralisation of Labour supporters_ under Wilson and its complete subordination to the interests of industry and the. bankers, are confident they could win an election.

They are now preparing the right moment to move in and defeat Wilson. It is precisely now that the fight to drive the Wilson-Healey leadership out of the labour movement is so crucial. Until this takes place this government will continue to create confusion and frustration in the working class.

There are other stirrings which indicate that if the 'lefts' did now launch an all-out drive to defeat the cuts and expel Wilson, they would find firm support among the most militant sections of workers. The calls last week from the NUM Executive and ASTMS for a recalled TUC to discuss the pay laws indicates the growing unease of the bureaucracy faced with restraining the mass movement. In these new conditions we would support the call for a recall TUC -insisting it discuss a programme of opposition to Wilson's attacks.

The fight for the sliding scale of wages, work-sharing on full pay, and the sliding scale of public spending could then be focussed on the national union bureaucracy.

Foot-forced to withdraw Industrial Relations Court But the latest events highlight the fight for leadership in the Labour Party. Our demand for a recalled Labour Party Conference is more vital than ever to expose the "lefts' refusal to carry through the fight against Wilson and their complete lack of alternative These demands for us flow from the new turn in the situation. They are not generalised slogans to be bandied about indiscriminately, like the WRP's "Bring down the Labour Government!" , or the IMG call for a recall TUC, separated from any programme of demands.

These new events make all the more vital a clear fight for principle and alternative policy in the struggle to win leadership ot workers in the coming period, in conflict with reformism and opportunism. ABC

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I this government and its ictionary policies.