Socialist Press no. 31

STOP TUC CHIEFS

PLOT TO CUT PAY!

STALINISTS CONDONE ARGENTINA COUP

The Marxist will say to the English workers: The trade union bureaucracy is the chief instrument for your oppression by bourgeois Power

STATE

bourgeoisie and for that its principal agent, the trade union bureau- cracy, must be overthrown.

As British capitalism enters a still deeper phase of economic crisis, with every weapon being brought into play in the drive to attack the working class, the TUC leaders are preparing yet another historic betrayal of their members as they discuss proposals for extending the f6 state pay limitation for another year into a Stage Two. After nine months of devastat- working class living ing cuts mn standards under the present pay laws, recent speeches by Scanlon, Bassnett and Jones, leaders of the three biggest TUC unions, show that these men are now searching for a way to force workers into prepared another legal straitjacket.

At all costs the bureaucracy want to avoid the outbreak they had struggles against the employers and, crucially against the pay in the AUEW.: legislation itself. The

CONNECT

even though Any such struggle could unpre- with dictably connect up the smouldering hostility to the pay laws in the, mass of the workers unleash a major actively movement and confrontation. of the determination union leaders to shackle workers backed up by and prevent struggle

SHOWE

clearly in the case of the SU Carburettor workers and other car weaken workers last week. The SU workers had actually But won their increase trom The military in Argentina, together with the ban on five workers parties and the jailing of an estimat- ed 5,000 political and leaders is a massive union set back to the working class in South America. It comes less than a year after coup Peron's President administration of order. was forced to withdraw state pay These laws by a general strike, and after the working class in Argentina again and again had shown its the militancy and willingness to fight movement. in defence of living standards.

Only a bankruptcy of leader- ship held back the working class on the within the limitations of Peron- ism.

SOCIALIST

PRESS *

confrontations. calling for a measure of flexibility the in Stage Two, wrested from the hands of the prevent confrontations members and the employers.

Trotsky, 1929. pletely in line with the demands of the employers. sufficient them to introduce corporate payment structures, and force through still further speed- up. management: the only thing stop- ping the implementation of the agreement was the f6 pay limit!

PREPARED

SU men were clearly fight to both the company and the government to win their legitimate demand - but treacherous more enemy still - their own leadership Scanlon - used his influence to get Executive of the AUEW SU men back to work. ('lefts' and all) voted unanimously to instruct the men back to work - during the whole period AUEW policy had been opposed to the £6 limit not most clearly, saying this weekend single instruction for action had that: been issued, and not a single strike supported by the a margin to allow for incentives Executive against the pay laws!

to be attached to improvements in The Executive instruction was productivity and some movement manoeuvres with of differential payments against the employers and public attacks performed aluation

DIOUCI

by Scanion designed to isolate and eventually Jones' forcing a return to work.

the bureaucracy have job Headers drawn a lesson from these recent management to Scandalously, Argentina's small Communist Party (which has not of head-on been banned, has in effect now whole workers movement. welcomed the coup. It issued a statement emphasising the similar- ities between the aims of the junta class Callast flicts related to and its own programme. refusal to resign.

REESTABLISHMENT

In Moscow, Izvestia saw the as being a reestablishment reactionary statements than 600% over the last year.

confirm the counter-revolutionary role of Stalinism in Argentina as international workers The coup is much more than the replacement of one repressive the bourgeois government by another.

the state. It marks a change ot strategy port of the part of the workers' Argentinian ruling class from one of incorpor- for the They now

UNION

to attempt to the prospect of all-out their But this new call is also com- They want "flexibility" to enable rationalised maximum production out of its Jack Jones has expressed this workforce, and to throw surplus workers onto the dole His speech (made "Provision should be made for opening new Midlands Regional Office in an area which has seen huge redun- dancies as a result of the policies of Jones and Wilson) pointed out work that in Jones view a shop stew- ard's job is not to Such talk is of course linked to members, but that: conception of a union "Branch Officers and Shop assisting each Stewards have a role to play in the the improvement of

SUUCCEE

promulgated by ten a daddy cerror to one One measures collision with the economy minister Mondelli at the beginning of March. Peron's government had been And while the leadership of the crippled as an instrument of the

CGT,

the main trade federation formally opposed the by internal con- Peron's measured, in practice they con- own with the The symptoms of this weak- squash all protests against them.

ness have been the rapid worsen- The other arm ing of Argentina's economic crisis.

Production has been falling sharp- policy was terror and repression.

The right-wing ly and inflation has risen to more

LOTTONSE

ation, the triple-A Anti-Communist Alliance) set up

DEAL

by Peron's deposed advisor Lopez Rega conducted Peron attempted to deal with murders of local workers' leaders this crisis partly by incorporating last three in the y cals. murder of almost 700 trade union leadership into She obtained the sup- and local trade union leaders has been Peronist metal reported in the press; and leader Lorenzo Miguel over the last few weeks hundreds anti-working class econ- more have been kidnapped.

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NO 31 * 7th APRIL 1976 * 10p

SCREW 'EM FOR A BIT MORE!

SOCIAL

CONTRACT

EQUAL SACRIFICE

THERE YOU ARE, LADS-

SOCIAL JUSTICE

performance". Jones speaks with the arrogant treachery of a General Secretary at who is not answerable to anyone.

the The T&GWU bureaucracy is one

T&GWU

of the most undemocratic and rigidly controlled in the labour movement. This is how Jones is now able to carry out his role as leading advocate of state pay laws while defend his his own union policy as decided at last July's

T&GWU

Biennial Cont'd on back page, col. 4 industrial In addition, Peron's govern- ment banned the "left' Peronist Authentic Party in December and introduced new draconian secur- union sy bolise the element, of contin- legislation which, if to uity, into force on the came morning of the military coup

COVCTUCHLLO

Far from stabilising capitalism in Argentina these measures have led to growing resistance from the of Peron's working class and have exposed the corrupt and collaborationist (Argentine nature of the Peronist workers leaders. The military government has systematic lost no time in instituting the kind which policies the Peronist government was moving workers but which it did not have the political strength to implement.

Cont'd on page 2, col. 4

INTERNATIONAL NEWS

MIDDLE EAST

The struggle of the Arab cople will not be held back Zionist brutality or efforts foster religious divisions.

This is the main conclusion that from the violent aust be drawn and Lebanon onfrontations srael over recent weeks. The balance of forces through- has been Middle East but progress made by affected by the eft wing forces in Lebanon in their ight' against Falangist provocation.

QUESTION

The question whether the atest ceasefire will hold cannot be letermined at the time of going to but it can be said that this Tess. 'the left wing forces will ime egotiating from position of irength. Dangers of course remain, as is dear from the announced reconcil- week

PLO

chief ation George Habash, who Arafat with as led 'rejection front' group the guerrila organisations.

REVERSION

It is to be hoped that this will reversion of the lead to any leadership to the UN- palestinian Arab youths stone Israeli occupation forces liplomacy Geneva peace confer- methods they are pursuing. They beat up those who closed A new awakening of the Palest- their shops or would not go masses themselves was cleat their victims retali- When the recent developments in school. Tom salilee, just over the Israeli side of throwing stones and ated by Molotov cocktails, they shot them the border with Lebanon. down

LAND-GRABBING

six were killed and At least many wounded have Zionist authorities The their traditional in been engaged These developments show the policies of land-grabbing and confis- real hatred of Zionist area, and on May occupation cation in this Palestinians 30th a 'land day", a general strike part of those on the was proclaimed against one of the living in Israel itself, traditionally less militant than their compatriots latest instances. The Zionist authorities reacted across the borders. And in the fore- front of the struggles were militant the utmost this with against groups of youth.. brutality.

SOUTH EAST ASIA

The attacks on the Catholic came last A sharp attack certainly church Stalinist- There alc from the week with the sabotage connected in government dominated by operations being Laos on the influence of the wing nationalists. On March nght Roman Catholic Church in the 27th they blew up an Importan bridge across the river Lo, less than Official statements country. a hundred miles south of Vientiane.

denounced its reactionary role that their main thought emphasised that and bases are on islands in the Mekong Catholicism was brought into considerable River, which for distance forms the frontier between Indochina in the first place as Laos the northern of and one of the weapons of French alwa Thailand. imperialism. These forces have, of course, the The hostility to the Church on declared support of the thousands the part of the Laotian government 'refugees' - capitalists, contrast to the speculators and functionaries - who striking in Mekong into amiable relationship and the Church Thailand as it became clear that Communist Party of the point in neighbouring Vietnam. imperialism being driven out of the Indochinese

GREETINGS

states. have the more But they also discrete sympathy of the Bangkok heirarchy There, the Catholic was singled out for warm New Year the numerous Well lie. they and "advisors whom greetings by the Hanoi authorities agents and important Thailand, Vatican permit in recently, the the Catholic church. reciprocated by disowning some of sections of extreme right wing clergymen Saigon as the fall of who had fled

PRESSURE

last approached South Vietnann year. the The armed pressure Catholic officials also denounced in Laos revolution. Saigon 'plot' against (together with recent reports trom one of administration, centred on China US air- churches, which was and the city's craft based in Thailand had bombed by security recently unmasked coastal areas of Cambodia) reflects forces. attempts conflicting the desperate But - reflecting the imperialism to scratch together the the policies pursued by national social and political forces in South Stalinist governments of Indochina the Fast which can prevent the Asia Wfantane The desperation of the Zionist authorities is shown by such state- ments as the one from the Israeli London saying embassy "communist strike They know that the advance of the left wing presents a threat to them as well as reactionary 01 These new signs of upsurge in the Arab masses will not stop short national boundaries. need to struggle for socialist programme and perspective throughout the area. Team I The border attacks on Laos are not yet of decisive military import- ance. But what they highlight is the danger posed to the advance of the social revolution in South East Asia as a base of operations imperialism those - like the regimes But at the same time the Viet- with Thailand- as well

CORENNI

regimes of imperialism in the area.

Where what is above allrequired internationalist common,

SOCIALIST PRESS,

Peron with AAA organiser Lopez Rega.

• • strike has been The right to abolished and trade unions and the 462 organisations" have Peronist All been banned from all activity.

political parties have been suspen- ded and five parties of the revol- been declared utionary leit have illegal. the Workers The five are Socialist Party (PST) the Workers Party (PPO), Political the Communist Party (PCR). utionary the Trotskyist Workers Party (POT) and the Marxist-Leninist Commun- ist Party (PCML). All civil servants are under direct factories military control and workplaces are subject to Political offences are martial law. punishable by death.

CAPITALIST

One of Argentina's largest indus- trial capitalists, Eton-educated Jose Martinez de Hoz, has been appoint- ed economy minister. the enhance His policy 18 to profitability of capital in Argentina real through imposing huge cuts in increase of 20% Thẹ wage wants granted by Mondelli last month is confirmed. February and between But March prices (even according to the underestimated official index) went of an arena rate othelation ot annual rate of inflation 17,400 per cent!). At the same time he plans to cut spending, government 90% at present is financed simply by printing money. Martinez, a close associate of the Rockefeller family, has also intro- duced generous new concessions for capital investment

10TC12I

Argentina. this economic strategy to

HOT

work will require the total repres- working class organis- sion of all ation. Even what has happened up to now, therefore, is only a prelude military rulers are to what the planning. The reactions to the coup have the not only gIOSS of Peronist and Stalinist treachery class leaders but also the working failure revolutionaries TO an alternative leadership.

ABROAD

The coup found many of Argen- leaders trade union tina's main conveniently out of the country: Textile workers' 'leader' Casildo who is Secretary General Herreras, of the CGT made a statement to the press in Uruguay: Lam completely disconnected the picture. It would erased from seen me and did not say I had been forgot better in Montevideo". leaders have Peronist union spent a lot of time abroad since the withdrawal a few weeks charged exclusively 4000 police with protecting them (against their against own members, Wednesday 7th April 1976

ARGENTINA

CONTINUED FROM FRONT PAGE

Peronists. the Montoneros, have continued their guerrilla activities were probably responsible for and chief of operations of killing the Federal Police on the day the Videla's inauguration. But politically they have been presenting a series of demands for combined democracy bourgeois with economic nationalism.

NO PROGRAMME

largest party claiming allegiance to the PST (recognised Argentinian section of the USFI), plug annie which does not differ fundamental- best way to combat the danger of a military coup was not to support Peron's government but to organise maximum mobils- ation of the working class against it it present a set of political demands

SLED

simply call for the resig- by a President from the trade union Neatensio. constituent assembly which 'would and its solution...in Videla's military parliamentary assemblies "revolutionaries" illusions has conceded valuable time The PST, which has had num- of its members gunned down bers by fascist thugs, right to the very pon of the coup, made no sall for of workers' organisation protect the labour ence squads to movement. The complete unpreparedness of this, reputedly the largest "Trotsky- ist' party in the world, is a sorry on the political state of reflection the 'United Secretariat and in public faction •particular: the the US Socialist grouped round the PST Workers Party of which was a part until recent months differ- our political course

PST

and other ences with Argentinian workers' banned parties in no way prevent us from unequivocally their demanding freedom to organise and agitate for.

their programme. *Release all political prisoners!

*No bans on workers' parties! *Armed squads to the movement defend labour nantata maalannal

LIST PRESS, Wednesday 7th April 1976

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Roy Mason, Läbour Minister of Defence, with British officers during a visit to Oman. With him is his Parliamentary Secretary Pat Duffy MP SUBSCRIBE to Socialist Press

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THE WORKERS

SOCIALIST

LEAGUE

The Workers Socialist League was formed in December 1974 to struggle for the continuity of the principles of Trotskyism in Britain and towards the rebuilding of the Fourth International. In the daily struggle to take the demands and principles of Trotsky's Transitional Programme into the trade unions, the forefront of the fight for sliding scale of wages, and work sharing on full pay - demands which at the T&GWU Conference were the only alternative to Jones' treacherous £6 pay plan and the wholesale accept- ance of redundancies by the bureaucracy.

In the Health Service,

WSL

comrades have led the struggle for the sliding scale of NHS spending and for trade union committees to open with the fight to end all private the books of the Authorities along pract los i disputes opted by comrades one Contence.

WS comrades have tested and developed the disputes also, demands of the Transitional Programme, putting forward in every case, the only real opposition to the Stalinists and the right-wing. Our struggle for the "open the books" demand in the motor industry has won a mass At the same time we have put forward a policy to fight unemploy: ment, calling for unity of employed and unemployed through the fight to mobilise the trade union movement.

The WSL is the 'only movement that fights consistently for transition- al demands, going beyond mere trade union militancy to pose the pol- itical issues to workers.

While these practical interventions have developed the League's grasp of Trotaky's Programme, there has been a consistent drive to deepen and enrich the movement's understanding of the history and the orcent crisis of the Fourth International, as an essential part of any serious initiative towards its reconstruction.

We urge all readers who agree on the need for revolutionary leader ship and the demands we put forward to find out more about the WSL and join our fight in the labour rantement.

MORE INFORMATION

I could like more information on the Workers Socialist League. Name.. Address

| INTERNATIONAL NEWS

In the Persian Gulf, the CIA-installed Shah of Iran is fighting desperately to carry out the wishes of his masters and patrons. With his new-found oil wealth, he has built up a ferocious arsenal both arms threat Union to the Soviet and also democratic working class rights both in Iran itself and in any of the surrounding countries where efforts to attain them are actively pursued.

We have occasion in Socialist Press to notice the role played by Iranian troops fighting alongside British and officers 'seconded' from the British army. This continues in the Omanic province of Dhofar, which lies next Peoples Democratic Repub- to the lic of Yemen in the South of the trabian peninsula. The Iranian ano British forces are fighting against liberation forces led by the Peoples Front for the Liberation of Oman.

STATEMENT

This struggle is still going on, despite the statement by the semi- of feudal ruler Oman, Sultan Qabus, on 11th December, that he and his 'foreign advisers' had achieved the "complete destruction' of the liberation forces.

This claim was somewhat belied by the shooting down on Christmas Day of a helicopter carrying British army officers, including Brigadier In their attempt to quell workers' resistance to the Labour government's pro-cap- italist policies, the

TUC

bureaucrats have no stauncher ally than the Stalinists of the Communist Party. another they Trade acted the Trades Council after "reluc- tant" agents for the TUC's new Black Circular Model Rule 14 ("we don't like it but everybody must vote for it or the Trades Council will be disaffiliated"). Camden After the Trades Council, at its Annual General Meeting in February had rejected the new rule over the protests of Communist Party, Stalinist the Secretary S.A. Gregory forced another discussion and vote at the March meeting, leaving a trail of broken procedures his wake. Waving a letter which he claimed threatened immediate withdrawal from the Trades Council of recog- nition by the TUC, Gregory manag- ed a vote of 36-30 for the new Rule far short of the two-thirds required constitutonaly for its acceptance. At ine same time, the Chairman ruled out of order a motion from the Charing

ASTMS

Cross Branch aimed at launching a campaign against the rule. The letter from the TUC did indeed contain a threat, although a milder one than the Secretary had On y of the TUes let on. Ken Graham Secretary of the Organisation Industrial ations Department, had encouraged Gregory to pursue adoption of the rule, adding: "Unless this done

YOUN

Council will not be entitled to represented at the Trades Councils

LIBERATION FORCES DEFY

IMPERIALIST ALLIANCE

John Akenhurst, commander of the so-called Dhofar brigade.

Despite have been continued British reports in the press of the suspension of hostil- ities. The Observer announced on 16th January the 'end of Britain's war Arabia' and the Spectator on 7th February communist defeat" The PFLO have continued to report military actions throughout Dhofar, including the shelling of RAF base on an 26-27th January and a big battle to the month later. The New York Times on 18th January reported heavy fighting at the other end of the country on the border with Yemen.

MERCENARIES

A further confirmation of the claims of the PFLO lies in the fact that Omanis continue to for mercenaries in the British press, particularly for pilots.

The thugs of the British Special Air Services are also still operating there, though we are assured by their that spokesmen engaged solely such philan- thropic activities as reopening water holes previously bombed by the RAF or herding people into newly built villages. These operations bear all the hallmarks of the classic techniques counter-insurgency against military force that commands wide- spread popular support. Perhaps the strangest proof that the liberation forces have not been

CP FORCES IN

TUC 'GAG" RULE

will be placed in jeopardy".

Gregory, however, was off and failed running. Having twice by "democratic" means, he turned to yet more cowardly and dishonest Unlon na beta. blanches and delegates were informed that the April meeting would not take place and that the Trades Council reconyene in May at would next an unusual date and venue.

And Gregory devised an ingen- lous new condition for member- ship: "only delegates who can produce written evidence on their Branches notepaper or whose sec. has previously notified me that their Branch is prepared to accept Model Rule 14 will be admitted" Gregory's motive is not hard to discover. The balance of forces on Camden Trades Council has shifted over the recent period to the point where the CP no longer commands a clear majority, nor even maintains a sure hold on the Executive Com-

HILLCO.

CHANCE

For them, the battle over Rule 14 has an extra dimension; it offers a chance to sweep out the left and "peace and quiet' in the club. After some hesitation the TUC have now declared support for Gregory's actions and confirmed the once fraudulent suspension.

The assault on Camden Trades Council is a grave threat to labour movement democracy. shows what other Trades Councils can expect when they resist the gag rule A national campaign against this attempt to still the voice 4003 crushed is shown by the contin presence in Dhotar of the torces the Iranian Shah. Her International Tribune put it on the 27th Janua the Shah, 'who has never fough major waI, has been using Arabian Sultinate practice field for his armed forces Iranian troops have been car ing out a whole series of bombi and other attacks near the Sol Yemen, though according to newspaper "military value" of these activit conside! 'questionable'. Large scale fight was reported on Iranian radio 11th February between Iranian a liberation forces. Of course the Iranian troops not carrying out these operatio against the insurgents for fun.

The troops are there, as they also South Afri stationed North Yemen and Pakistan, beca they need practice fighti against their lopopularesing the Soa of preserving the Sha dictatorial rule in Iran itself.

TREACHERY

With background, this treachery of the Labour gover ment's continued support for t war Oman and obsequio in support for the Shah's regime clearly exposed. The demand th the Labour leaders break su must be tak diplomatic relations throughout the worke up TUC General Secretary Len Murray: attempting to hamstring Trades Councils picking off, one by one, of pocke or resistance. As part of that campaign we ca for a lobby of the May the Camden Trades Council Trad Councils individual trad and of unionists support delegates who oppose Rule 14.

Te Me Being is streta Street o place Doughty Tuesday 11th May at 7 pm.

Those wishing furth information the support are urged to write to 1641 Haverstock Hill, London NW3.

WORKERS SOCIALIST

LEAGUE

PUBLIC MEETING

A Policy to Fight Lnemploymen

SPAIN

CRISIS OF

WORKING CLASS

LEADERSHIP

recent survey position politics made by a evening paper, listed drid fless than 100 known illegal and parties canisations. Of these well over half claimed be socialist or workers' parties "parties" of these are no of than tiny groups significant *llectuals; but a aber of them are organisations the working class and its allies, at up during years of repression, which militant workers ght tenacious struggles for their rights. which fascist clandestinity forced ression ally akers' organisation nas stampea of the character cif on vement. organisations have been Many all and sometimes restricted to a because opaganda and communication has difficult. Even the major in the labour tional tendencies vement tend to have numerous, regional minally autonomous, though this is also of Spain's strong rtly such as that emal nationalisms, Catalonia which Euskadi and during the ith had autonomy epublic in the 1930s.

"AUTONOMY'

The best-known example of an ¡tonomous' regional party.

is the nified. Socialist Party of Catalonia SUC); the 'autonomy' of this Immunist party is shown-up for a fact that members of ice bv the Central Committee have been simply on the cently expelled structions of Santiago Carillo, the the Spanish itional secretary of Clandestinity has also tended to within eate divisions aderships of between parties lost tiled leaders and those operating Spain. This is most true of the Socialist

(PSOE)

arty CP adership under Rodolfo Llopis are fil in exile, calling themselves the abandon party. complete ristoric section' They continue unions' (CNS). name, and these itements in is re subsequently disowned by the 'takeover' Spain under leadership felipe Gonzalez, who was elected Secretary General of the PSOE in which has best survived the years of repression and largest of Spain's workers' parties.

This is true even if its claims to 'united have about 100,000 members and a when larger number of close sympathisers candidates, supported most other the workers' movement, won nearly has strongly supported the 'historic In the recent struggles in Spain and the French CPs abandonment the almost universal experience has used the CNS locally to nominally developed a consistent policy class collaboration. It advocates the restriction of the objectives of the the relatively bureaucratic Workers' democracy 'like the rest of western growth has been very rapid.

COALITION

Ine attempts not to get left behind by It advocates the establishment of the mass struggle. coalition provisional government to elections. In such a coalition it is with the bourgeois opposition but and even present instrument collaborationism For some years the CP has been Democratic the dominant political force in the organisation through which the attempted illegal trade unions which were first opposition The party is, however, very far been for a "democratic break" as opposed to reforms. weakened the CP's control of the "democratic the Commissions as workers have seen socialist policy is well illustrated by the party systematically attempt co the following pamphiet members Madrid opposition in general have long ago In some areas where the CP has overcome the drama of our war.

control of the Commissions it Those whom the System has set up rival commissions under "victors" its own dominance. Under pressure for a long time lived and struggled from the rank and file however the together been forced has recently problems... of policy its previous We ask liquidation of the nothing but neutrality Commissions into the state 'trade Junta recognises This was to have completed the guarantee of the state union' of the apparatus by the workers begun last for Government, all dignity armed forces, formally united with Party's Democratic shows possible Socialist The related like the And, defines the bourgeoisie. the unwillingness Mass demonstration in Spain to mark the funeral of workers in the Basque region shot down by fascist police.

conference of Southern European democratic' CP by the political tendencies in Gonzalez put it this way: "The balance of power between these offices industrial and financial right wing, strengthened also by the ultra-right, even where the political shange from dictatorship congramme of the left i, but to to democratic freedoms the right and such hostility to the last few months been permitted by At the political level the CP's addressed by Gonzalez. in the region of 10,000 members, is far from united on the present line P3th Congress in 19749. to unite 'democratic The objective of the Junta has democratic gradual There is a small right-wing, allied to the historic section of the party the vast distance between which opposes all forms of alliance break" There is a larger 'left' opposition which to some extent opposes the recently distributed collaborationist line in Spain cass Gonzalez leadership places 'The Democratic Junta, and the PSOE's memberse international - the i stil callis which contains such reactionaries as Germany's Schmidt and "vanquished" have Wilson, Israel's Golda Meir. within our ranks without you (the army) for The the important mission which you must fulfill as a period of building and the constitution the Provisional assuring respect and components of the , initiate an immediate solution to their specific problems.

'The Democratic Junta has now Socialist Platform form the Democratic Coordination.

SIMILARITY

The fact that this has_been similarity the between the political lines of the Parties. Communist PSOE, like the CP, pays lip-service to a socialist future. But all its propaganda and demands are bourgeois democracy.

PSOE

CP. the of the objectives workers in terms of the needs of justifies its

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WSL,

ronstant SOCIALIST PRESS, Wednesday 7th April 1976 The 'left" line is allied to the position of the youth sections of the Juventud Socialista the party, (JS). At its 6th Congress in 1975 the resolution JS passed opposing inter-class alliances and advocating Anticapitalist Common Front and a revolutionary general down strike bring dictatorship. The resolution, however, accepts 'democratic of the break on by implication, and therefore, it accepts the possibility of a bourgeois democratic phase of though the ravolution eve anti-capitalist advocates putting points" within the programmatic fight for democratic • break. the from the political methodology of the CP But they are symptomatic of the rank and file of the workers' parties anec helped build the strength of several alternative to the CP and PSOE and which will be examined in a later which the

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SOCIALIST PRESS, Wednesday Behind the capitalist press *the end of rantings about Leyland" "Leyland British lemmings". «Leyland and commit Hari Kari" workers poured out of which have Fleet Street the past over three weeks, there is hidden a offen- carefully co-ordinated Leyland workers sive against by the combined forces of the the management government, and the treacherous supporters of the Ryder management participation scheme. spate strikes, The recent OI the media claims have its loun- "rocked the pouna to dations" have an important politic- al significance. They reflect the growing opposition of the working class to the state pay laws of the TUC and the Labour government,

READERS'

LETTERS

Dear Comrades, would like to raise certain articles questions Socialist Press Numbers 28 and 29 'split' in concerning the so-called world Stalinism. The of the Western moves European CPs denounce the LU dictatorship of the proletariat and have proletarlan been described split from Moscow policies. I, on the other hand, would see these moves as completely in line wishes the Soviet with the bureaucracy. They must be looked at internationally in the context of detente, peaceful co-existence, 'socialism in one country', and the by capitalist demands made politicians on the Portuguese CP at

WRP

CRISIS

"TRUST THE LEADERSHIP"

Dear Comrade, point out an error quotes Stephen Joins Public Meetie, Manchester "step forward' who put the As the question to made no sucn note perhaps at to ask nis leadership'. (!) was by remark means out of vital had been one ier the completely prachte be trust *the made was deserves. will for the mental gymnastics in the leadership of the WRP - in whose abilities the more pedestrian Johns can only beg Is to place our trust. Yows fraternalty.

WORKERS UNDER

LEYLAND: RYDER WHIP

RYDER WHIP.

"surrender" and Scanlon used his opposition which begins …an sporadic ways because of the open personal "left" reputation achieve this end. treachery the trade union The defiance of the SU tool- leaders. The initial decision of the 32 was matched by the action makers of skilled men at the BL Washwood toolmakers at SU Carburettors to axle plant order Heath who also struck defy the return to WOrk for a £10 parity claim and by the issued unanimously by the AUEW bitter hostility of many workers Council reflects the Executive after the strength and determination of the return to work decisions at the Triumph and Rover plants in working class. Coventry. ( It was also a mark of the grow- In Coventry the AUEW District ing suspicion and hostility of the Committee in a surprise decision workers to the trade union bureau- even rejected the executive who demonstrate at each cracy instruction for a return.

commitment to the stage their Scanton's disgracetul statement employers. that "not all the problems of The SU Carburettor British Leyland Caused only returned to work Leyland workers" conceals the real designed to isolate atter tactics nature of these struggles - workers them had obtained return to work are fighting against an employers decisions in most other oI tne offensive on levels and manning plants involved in action and the protective agreements backed up.by of the media massive pressure government policy. Friday's turned on them alone. Alongside this attack Illallard Daily Mirror on them to

IS THERE A SPLIT IN

WORLD STALINISM?

the cracks in their the time of the Helsinki conference.

paper over hiding behind their When the CP Portugal was movement by forced, the forward being by movement of the working class, to positions, take militant left-wing capitalist politicians demanded that must not bow to theit sphere of influence.

from the working class, but must I think we must now recognise a within the keep their activines bounds of bourgeois democracy. Spain, All the CPs Italy, ruling classes have been prepared to Britain, France and Switzerland (to name but a few who have openly declared their position) are doing is allowing them to heeding these demands. parties have declared themselves the willing to work within the confines can espect treachery and back-stabbing on a much higher Not just because are willing servants, but because the Yours Comradely, BLMC Body Plant, Cowley.

REPLY

British CP General Secretary McLennan. British Stalinists have moved to make right-wing criticism It is crucial for a Trotskyist stand-" of the Soviet Union movement in today's crisis of lead- democracy of bourgeois point ership to have a correct assessment call while European Çls abandon of the manoeuvres of world Stalin- 'dictatorship of the proletar- ism. We take these questions very iat'. serturisis. Comrade L's letter raises some they They saying are are important questions on the current "respectabie', willing to work within world Stalinism evolution of capitalism, and most important that questions which cannot they will actively work against the the satisfactorily be answered in working class when they take that have available in this space we road: edition of 'Socialist Press'.

Generals

NATO

and The For this reason we print the capitalist politicians can rest easy letter only, with an extended article the because Stainists want to take up the questions involved return is privileged positions within to appear in our next edition.

the labour aristocracy and of the Soviet continuing rule bureaucracy. and will be more, There splits within the Stalinist movement, but these splits will be within national CPs rather more

LETTERS

than between CYs internationally.

We have seen in Britain how the members of the have been thrown into disarray because of the nationalist and right-wing positions We welcome letters from they have taken up and when this readers, whether critical or policy of servility complete to with additional information capitalism enforced, mutants with the working matters raised in these working closely on class in the trade unions are bound pages. Letters for publication to break from Stalinism. should be kept as briet as The Soviet bureaucracy was possible. forced mildly attack the Send to: positions of the Western European 31. Dartmouth Park Hill, CPs because they themselves London, ITS IHR. the of the Bolshenik прот gaias inent have another strategic objec- tive in view. Working through the "particip- ation" they committees determined to destroy the right of individual plant bargaining and negotiations COrDOralc out by national union carried officials. This management strategy supported by the Speaking last on the week Ims, he made cieal, when lones repeated to 'restructuring which was the onl Corporate bargaining sets out to hamstring workers by surrendering their independence to the national officials who are even less exposed the shop floor to pressure from conveners. submerges the groups of strength of individual workers and takes the wages pressure off management. This Leyland's objective introduced Measured when they Day Work (time studied flat rates as against the previous piece wOIk system) but it was not achievable at that time. The same union bureaucrats who Measured Day Work, accepted though the time they pronounced themselves in solid defence of plant bargaining, are now same ones corporate negotiations. These same gentlemen are also the backbone of the state pay laws of the Labour - which is corporate government bargaining on a national scale.

Today, the key role in forcing in new wage structures will be the 'participation' committees. This clearly the March emerged meeting of the

BMC

Shop Stewards Committee, where Derick Robinson - a leading Stalinist who is also chairman of the highest body the Ryder set-up - announced without warning that he was now in favour of corporate bargaining.

CHANGE

went on to argue that the He should consider Committee changing the position it has held, since Measured Day Work was first mooted nearly years ago, favour of plant bargaining.

Robinson •proposed to the Combine Committee that the factories affiliated to Com- the circulated proposing a mittee be change of policy. it This was not supported but now emerges that this had already been raised by management in the Ryder set-up. A document advocat- ing corporate bargaining being discussed it the next meeting of the Page 5 Ryder Shop Stewards Committee. Robinson's advocacy of management's wages policy is there.

fore shown to be connected direct ly to his further shift to the right.

(along with many other conveners and shop stewards) since his invol vement in the Ryder class collabor- ation committees The March meeting of the BMC Committee also demonstrated in a clear way, the effects of six months of "participation' the shop stewards movement. Discussion no longer centred on support for sections struggle against management but on assist- ing productivity and the viability of Leyland. Problems, when raised, were directed not into theShop Stewards Movement, but into the *particip- ation' Attendance g of delegates from meeting of plants dropped to nearly half of its had traditional number. Some speakers were able to refer Paris, to trip to Ryder week organised under earlier, to observe work effort in the Renault plant. Whilst these 'participation' delegates were in Paris workers all Leyland were contronting over management over speed-up.

Jones In Cowley, internal drivers wer resisting massive manning cuts an were strikin cleansing sections defend manning levels whils scab labour was being brought int the factory to do their jobs.

One of the areas regarded management "problem" (be as a cause workers there defend agree ments and conditions) th Princess track in Cowley.

management sub-committe of Ryder is now carrying out a "investigation' there which will b the basis for a further .confron tation and attack individua operators and working conditions.

One of the arguments of th right wing against the shop steward Open Committee

HOOKS

Cowley Ryder provide was that for the books to be opened to th participation committees anywa! and therefore no Open the Book Committee was necessary. Six months later the myth ha been exploded. Not only have th books firmly closes been kept of selecte (with the exception information to strengthen manage "viability" ment's argument) bu 'participation' committee member are now sworn to secrecy and wall around with confidential docu ments highly damaging to worker concealed in their pockets.

From this it is clear that ever attack of the employers and th Labour government is aimed at de troying the independence of th workig class. introduc attempts All corporate bargaining must be resist ed, the Stalinists must be fought o the combine committee. Decision withdraw fron must be taken to Ryder factories those wher committees have been set up.

The moves of the bureaucracy t institute Stage Two of the pay law • resisted. Any section suc must be as the SU toolmakers or the skille men at Tractors and Transmissio must be fully supported and the action break the Borera ments veer extended effort

THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

Part 7:THE APRIL THESES 'The Bolshevik slogans and ideas on the whole have been onfirmed by history; but concretely things have worked out more peculiar, more ifferently; they are more original, ariegated than anyone could have expected.

To ignore or overlook this fact would mean taking after "old Bolsheviks" who more than once already have aose layed so regrettable a role in the history of our Party by rote instead citerating formulas senselessly learned by tudying the specific features of the new and living reality".

Lenin Letter on Tacties (CW Vol. 24, p 44).

(including the Bolsheviks), were he February revolution sull in March more or less united on established dual power in three things: that the limits of the sia. The power of the state revolution bourgeois and democratic; that consequently the no longer the monopoly role of the Soviet should be to give class. State he old ruling tempered perhaps with support, divided bet- was now the Provisional some pressure, the Provisional govern- that Government; and (dominated begin to should continue to participate in Kadets, the the war against Germany and its by the allies. liberal party) rgeois and Soviets whose Executive

COOPERATE

and membership mittee = dominated at the start by All the socialist leaders were Social Revolutionaries and ready, therefore, with some reser- Mensheviks. vations to cooperate with both the national and the international aims ese two powers rested on the of different opposed of the bourgeoisie. Bolshevik policy was,, to start classes the with, slightly to the left of that of mment's power on the bour- the Social Revolutionaries and the and landowners; that of the on the working class and the Mensheviks. This was due to the influence of Molotov who was then peasantry (the soldiers of the editing Pravda. middle of March, ese two powers were bound in But the Kamenev returned from Stalin and ong run тесо doe. of exile in Siberia such duality power was To TaKe They leadership the party. lished then the historical pos- Workers march in 1917 instantly shifted the line to the ¿ties became polarised: between one side the establishment right. the the Provisional oi ine power an example of Trotsky quotes which would have their defencist position, supporting at full-scale counter-revolution, the Russian bourgeoisie in contin- on the other side the establish- war, from Pravda of 15th * of Soviet power, which would LIng Int March 1917: • proletarian revolution.

"When one army stands opposed to another army [we read in one of

BALANCE

its editorial articles!, policy could be more absurd than the proposing that one policy of of them should lay down arms and g In uneasy balance might exist home. Such a policy would not be some time, but in the long term of In one a policy of peace, but a policy middle way. be scorn- a policy to or the other stable class cton would have to be reestablished.

fully rejected by a free people. No; will remain intrepidly of moving from the people question at their post, answering bullet with the democratic revolution to bullet and shell with shell. This is revolution not one beyond dispute. We must not allow ci simply existed in the minds political any disorganization of the armed most audacious forces of the revolution" the was posed ion itself. He then points out: no mention of oi course, not hard to see tind here etrospect that the question was classes, of the oppressors and the oppressed; there is, instead, talk of the socialist leaders in the a free people'; there are no classes on the spot either but those and sought to put it behind struggling for power but, instead, a free people are 'remaining at their spectre: or they ugly through!" Following this line, the policy of indistin- the Bolsheviks became guishable that of the from Mensheviks and in many areas the two groups began operating as one organisation. By the beginning of April the revolutionary situation was sharpening; but the revolution- ary party was being liquidated.

RETURN

which This was the situation greeted Lenin on his retur from Zurich April 3rd. was on welcomed at the station officially the Chairman of the by Chkeidze, expressed Petrograd Soviet, would work the hope that Lenin with the other Soviet leaders to Chkeidze, replied not LenI ignored, but to the he standing by; workers and he referred to the imminence of the socialist revolution. ine elect was the first time electrifying; it was that any leader of any party had Train wentstraight. to meet the Central Committee Bolsheviks to whom he expounded the statew ach were April These Theses. April days He attacked the view that the restricted revolution was and democratic objec- bourgeois tives. Quite the contrary, he argued its gains could only be defended if it went on the become a proletarian revolution; this was the only way to of resolve the instability 01% The Russian proletarian DOwer revolution would be a prelude to a European proletarian revolution.

APRON-STRINGS

Yet, in the face of these needs, the present Bolshevik leaders were old dirty still 'holding on to the They must abandon the proposals for unity with the withdraw all support Provisional Government, completely cease their support and for the imperialist war: "It is impossible to make a demo- cratic peace, one that

HAUL

without destroy- imposed by force. ing the power of capitalism....in order to bring a permanent end to war it is essential that the prolet- ariat take power'. One the effect that exploding vention "like bomb'. of the Party the Russia previo Stalin and Kamenev. leading Scarcely Bolshe of the had Iaised. April Theses When published in declared that: 'Lenin's scheme seems to unacceptable in that it starts from the assumption that the bourgeois revolution is ended, and counts on an immediate transformation of the socialist revolution into revolution'. In fact Lenin advocated not an immediate taking of power; he knew that support for that was not yet sufficient. Before that, he proposed that the question should be prepared by the 'patient explanation' of his uncom- working promising policies …to the class. But even before that it was to convince the party necessary of his perspective

BARRIER

In this the greatest barrier would be the "old Bolsheviks" unable to come to grips with the new trans- Party The was tormed confronted with an urgent need to analysed in change. As Trotsky Lessons of October: "The fundamental instrument of taking only one year, from even February 1917 to February 1918 - supple- the basis ot the ana 0l Finland experience Bulgaria Hungary, Italy, and Germany, we can posit as almost an unalterable law that a party crisis is inevitable in the transition from the preparatory. revolutionary activity to the immediate

STELALIE

speaking Generally crises power. arise in the party at every serious the party's course, either turn in as a prelude to the turn or da d consequence of it. The explanation for this lies in the fact that every in the development of the period party has special features of its own for specific and calls habits and methods of work. A tactical turn implies a greater or lesser break in Herein these habits and meinous. dirct and most immediate lies the root of internal party friction and "It all happens too frequently", Lenin in July wrote 1917, 'that when history makes an abrupt turn. even most advanced parties are unable for longer or a shorter period of time adapt themselves to new conditions. They keep repeating the slogans of yesterday - slogans which were correct yesterday, have lost all their meaning today, becoming devoid of meaning 'suddenly" with the self-same "suddenness" that history makes its Hence the danger abrupt turn". arises that if the turn is too abrupt if in and the too preceding period many elements of inertia and conservat- ism have accumulated in the leading organs of the party, then the party its itself unable to fulfil proves that supreme and leadership at moment for which it has critical been preparing itself in the course of years or decades. The party is crisis, and the ravaged by movement passes the party by - and heads towards defeat" In fighting to reverse the policy of the Bolsheviks, Lenin was carry- fight necessary ing out prevent just such a defeat.

Lenin He knew that, however astonish- ed were the Bolshevik leaders, how- thought his much they ever were anarchist of lunatic, thousands of Bolshevik workers and soldiers would immediately see the correct- ness of his line, since it was they who could most clearly see the real nature of the Provisional Govern- ment. They had seen the efforts of the (with help from the government Soviets) to resist the eight-hour day to or to send them to continue fight against the workers of the German army. Soldiers responded enthusiastic call for fraternis- ally to Lenin's ation, as workers responded to his demands to get rid of the capitalist ministers of the Provisional Govern- were their own ment since these bosses. the time of the next all- By Conference Russia Party on Aptl 24th, Lenin's line had in formal terms won through. SOCIALIST PRESS, Wednesday Ith April 1976 represented by 150 delegates) voted against union with the Mensheviks the Provisional and branded Government 'a government 01 landowners and capitalists".

It made the call for a transfer of power to the working class in the belligerent countries in order to end the war. There remained however, leading Bolsheviks who continued to argue these such against positions Dzerzhinsky, Kamenev and Kalinin.

COMMUNIST

Stalin preserved a politic silence.

And on two issues Lenin remained of his in minority on out. break with demand to the grouping of social Zimmerwald democrats and to change the name Communist of the the party Party. But in less than a month Lenin had begun to reforge the Bolshevik party. Party into a revolunonal The backwardness and conservatism of the old leaders had suttered an irrevocable reverse. Partly this success was because speed of events in the revol- the made it clearer how Lenin ution about the needs and was correct possibilities. At the end of March, Miliukov, the Foreign Minister of the Prov- isional Government, had made a Russia rejected declaration that territorial annexations in the war but pported "comple obser- nce of the obligations undertak allies" This had been welcomed by the Petrograd Soviet - and by Pravda! Then in April, Miliukov, asked by the Soviet leaders to repeat his pledge, spoke of: world victory" expressed confidence that He the victors: "will find a means to attain and those guarantees sanctions, which necessary for are prevention of new bloody conflicts in the future" In the thieves' jargon of diplo macy, as Trotsky pointed out, this than meant nothing less ations and indemnities.

PROVOCATION

This was not what the Soviet to hear. They leaders wanted realised that it would act as a naked the and provocation to wOTkerS On April 17th, Miliukov soldiers. demonstration staged a grotesque of wounded and limbless ex-soldiers "War to banners demanding the end!' The next day his message was published in the press and, before the Soviet had even discussed it, tens of thousands of armed soldiers the protest. were on streets 17047040

LIST PRESS. Wednesday TIk AprI 19°5 Bolshevik factory meeting in 1917 • The Petrograd Soviet met and Trotsky used his immense calls by the Bolsheviks and even personal prestige, as leader of the others that all power the Soviet, and his extraordinary go to Soviets were received with speaking spread POWels, applause. One speaker summed up revolutionary positions both in the the truth, however; when he asked: Soviet to which he was coopted and "Who will take the place of the in daily of thousands of meetins We? our hands soldiers covernment? and which he worker tremble... addressed at the Cirque Moderne.

following day even larger The economic too, of workers and numbers soldiers was partly responsible for the more came onto the streets, this time uncompromising mood among the partly organised by the Bolsheviks.

The standard of living was They. planned a peaceful demon- falling and food was becoming stration, but shooting began more scarce officers tried to tear down slogans In May and June protest strikes attacking Govern- the Provisional developed especially among the less experienced gtoups of workers. lne Lenin later held that Bolsheviks organised like the groups, the violence blame for were to metalworkers (whose union doub- because they being adven- led in size during the of monti turistic. During the demonstration May) gave a restraining lead.

reactionary military com- 'hese workers were increasingly Korniloy attempted to aware that the problems could not 11230eT bring armoured vehicles onto the resolved by strikes but needed streets against the workers.

much more fundamental measures.

The Soviet asserted its authority under Order No. to stop this.

EIGHT HOUR DAY

forbade order which troop

HATS

movements without Soviet permis- sion had been the first act of the Petrograd Soviet, and according to The capitalists for their part had Trotsky, its only worthy one during begun by being forced into conces- Its domination by the tion of the eight-hour day in March compromisers. In spite of this decisive move the Soviet's hands trembled too much to take any action against Kornilov of toughening resistence. From the beginning of May they initiated a who was left to play an even more 'creeping lock-out' and the resulting dangerous role few

TOILIN

later. source

DISLODGED

first all-Russia Congress of Soviets The disturbances subsided and were over it Miliukov softened the words of his statement. But the events - Trotsky less than one fifth were Bolsheviks called them a 'quarter-insurrection' or their supporters. had delayed reaction. Miliukov's position had been fatally loosened and ten later he ity, however, gaye them no confid- days was dis- lodged from office. The Provisional Government was restructured and now admitted six On the day the Congress opened, 'socialist of them ItusECIs , the Petrograd conference of factory being Tseretelli, the main Menshevik leader in the Soviet.

Bolshevik resolution by 335 out of The other main consequence of the April events was the enormous- ly strengthened position of the Bolsheviks. They had been seen to be the only to the party giving voice growing feeling among the masses that the leaders of the February revolution were increasingly ready to throw away the gains which had been made. • By the start of May one third - and the most active third - of the Petrograd workers were behind the Bolsheviks. The strength further was trade union leaders have been the York of Trotsky on May 4th (he had been held for five weeks by the British in Nova Scotia). The Petrograd Soviet. Trotsky was not yet a Bolshevik largest party in the Moscow Soviet at he strongly supported the line hich Lenin taken had the and were winning nearly every by- the demand for the eight-hour day and refused to condemn the govern- ment's plans for an offensive. seemed more intent taking action against the Bolsheviks than on anything else. The opportunity arose when a bomb exploded at the Congress. Chkeidze linked this to Bolsheviks call for a demonstration the following day (June 10th): if this were allowed to go ahead it 'fatal'. The Congress be would banned all demonstrations (thus asserting its share of the dual power which it claimed not to exist!).

Ine Bolshevik tee after some debate called off the demonstration (a decision condem- ned by numerous Bolshevik workers). The Congress delegates Petrograd the suburbs at night in support of the ban and were received with great hostility Two weeks later on June 24th sheviks decided to participate. The result was a sensation. Revolutionaries which had been banned. the organisers with the offensive!" "All power to occasional It was a triumph for the Bol- shevik policy of 'explaining careful-

CHALLENGE

Bolsheviks were now direct the challenge to power of both the Soviet majority and the Provisional Government. the had made the statement that: But Lenin, was a political put it: where paralyse coalition. reconciled to the carry policy the manded of the Bolsheyik party. it was not days many attempt this out during the

GORMLEY'S BID

The abject collaboration of

NUM

the bureaucracy with. the Heath is government revealed clearly in a recent in series of articles the 'Sunday Times'. For the past twelve months, the main support of the Labour govern- ment's attacks on the standard of living o Instrumental in effort to cut the of the class the min their cla The right-wing the NUM opposer grounds that a lory government would be Lal that was by Con McGahe Presider this vital section working class the wage cutting. The leaders, that workers must accept wage cutting in order to prevent a rift with the Labour and the return of the Tories is false to the core. Secret talks This is proven by the fact that trade union leaders were prepared strike in 1973 the claim and impossible, Tories Io miners that Phase used by for further of the pay laws These appeared in th by government recently According articles, and Tory took place the 1973, SiX months the miners strike. which -had effectively very 15 of the pay laws, Gormley whereby deal government to enable the leaders to Phase accept This would th working class. Militant The mood of the miners that winter was very militant.

The coal industry had been run down over the and previous ten years wage levels had fallen considerably in relation to other industries.

With the price of oil increasing in leaps and bounds and the Arab leaders threatening to cut off oil suppies altogether, the miners now knew they were in a strong bargain- ing position. Support for strike action amongst miners was greater than at any time since the 1920's and this was reflected on the NUM exec- utive where the right-wing opposit- ion to the strike collapsed.

The Tory government was in no mood to surrender to the

CABINCE

however. Heath had introduced the three-day week, electricity supplies were rationed and as each day pas- sed thousands more workers were layed off. At this point Whitelaw was brought and he immediately in, arranged secret meeting Gormley. This right-wing leader of the NUM offered a way out of the impasse through the idea of pay-

TO SAVE HEATH

Gormley was trying, in effect, to reach a settlement within Phase Three of the pay laws, whereby the miners would be paid a pittance over the offer for time waiting for lifts and washing at the enu of cne snilt. 1nis attempt al a compromise came to nothing.

the strike as possible the rest consultation

NUM

(and ment that of Phase them to outside Three, then trade union leaders Chancellor Barber was not and The TUC they were for. view the more money would be made Phase uing impasse General he which lost concede claim in full. 'of TUC and the the failure these "leaders' the miners thought they miners "No attitude of the Heath Tories sorely have the working class. such a deteat, three-day cutting electricity ical 'militants' wat But its just as The working they class is organised and remains undefeated struggle. The strength of the miners support of she the but sympathetic the working class for their strike, support which would have become active, as it had been if the need had the previous year, the plans of the thwarted Tory government and the betrayers of the TUC and led to one of the significant developments in most- the class struggle since the war, the downfall of the Tory ment as the result industrial action But the revelations in the Sunday sees once again that a crucial preparation for further class confrontations and opposition to the government is the exposure of the treacherous role of bureaucracy and the

INTERNATIONAL

SPLIT TOOK PLACE

1953: WHY THE

seems clear to us now. as we have completed a series of articles polemicising against the Workers Socialist We welcome this public discussion of political differences. in League: we reply to the IMG version of the split in the Fourth Lais articie International in 1953. The struggle for the recon- in defence or even assessment say the political ruction of the Fourth Inter- TeCord TANe

USFI

(or, before the 1963 те- tional as the world party of unification, the International socialist revolution can [I.S.] of the Fourth secretamat der circumstances be International). no position They simply put forward tried in non- 1953 certain differences that in Nitical manner. regrettably within the can in no way be separated It Fourth International. the real history of the inter- workers the moyellicith,

SILENT

political questions which face at the take place a ding one fundamental divisions They are silent on the fact that solutionary cadre. the majority of the FI leadership All this is part of the continuing then supported the positions - for aggle to build parties which can liquidation of the Trotskyist cadre Dire the crisis of political leader- Stalinist by into parties put in the workers' movement.

Michel Pablo. For this reason it is important This difference led, they tell us - examine the points raised by even more regrettably - into a split Weekly, paper of the Inter- into two "public factions"; Pablo fional Marxist Group, on the and Mandel's International Secre- tory of the Fourth International.

tariat' on the one hand, and the In a recent series of articles, the 'International Committee' on the

IMG,

dership speaking of the other (supported by Cannon and for the tendency majority Socialist the Workers Party thin the USFI polemicise against USA, the majority of the French - positions taken by the Workers movement led by Lambert ialist League. viously expelled by Pablol and the majority round Gerry Healy in

WELCOME

Britain). But by 1963 Red Weekly tells us, these differences had hap- We welcome such an open dis- "principled pily and sion. We have already replied to wanea, reunification" to form the

USFI

line of the quite artificial - took place between the IS. and G towards 'unity' in the workers' part of the IC - most importantly ovement. Socialist Workers the American We have also exposed the way in Party. aich they distort the history And since then - claims the IMG Bolshevik nin's struggle foI - the USFI the Fourth Inter- Socialist Press, aty (see

WATCH

national, and since has not ith and Marct. 24th). committed any betrayals of the this article, will therefore working class comparable to those ke up the political significance of of the Social Democrats or the 1951-53 split in the ranks Fourth late rottione issles the Stalinists, the only correct course now is "prin- for revolutionaries portance today ot the it, and the apolitical cipled fusion" with the zolved in distinct faction, proach of the IMG leadership to naturally, should you wish it. history of the International elf. All this is proposed on the basis The first point to make is that of a fraudulent of the rewriting ed Weekly has scarcely a word to history of the Bolshevik Party -

COME ON IN

TIM

THE WATERS FINE

USEL

CEYLON R

M.PABLO

RISE & DECLINE

STUDENT VANGUARD

OF STALINISM

Mandel urges "unity" Yugoslav workers committee Bolsheviks and claiming that the Mensheviks a real sense were 1n simply two factions with a common party between 1903 and 1912! (see IMG Attacks Bolshevism', Socialist Press, March 24th). But perhaps more important still, the IMG proposes "principled fusions" with not a word about the political principles which should - in their view - form their basis.

If you with us join our agree if you don't form your taction: But above all unity, unity; own. unity! - so runs their refrain.

SECONDARY?

Now we ask the IMG were the that split the the m Were they issues Were they resolved by 1963? And can they now be brushed aside in this way?

We do not think so. leadership of the Nor did the

SWP

issued its famous when 'Open Letter" Against Pabloist (see Fourth Inter- Revisionism national September-October 1953).

The 'Open Letter' starts from political divide opened by the the Pabloite revision of the Trotskyist world stalinism is a position that force. counter-revolutionary summarises: 'The working class is transform- ed into a pressure group, and the Trotskyists into a pressure grouping along with it which pushes a section bureancrack Et e Icilwarul towards the revolution. In this way the bureaucracy

TENORTHCO

from a block and a betrayer of the revolution into an auxiliary motor force of it. 'Such sweeping conclusions on the the changing Kremlin dietatorship and the dissol- ution of world Stalinism have a which bound to assert logic itself. If the objective processes are then equivalent reorientation an must be made by the revolutionary vanguard if it is to be on top of the unfolding events. A general TWIn would have to made towards the Communist parties and into the parties to help along Communist the disintegration already proceed- ing at an accelerated rate and take full of the transform- advantage Stalinism'. how did And James Cannon

SWP

their of faction experience fight against Pablo's supporters in the

USA

Cochran-Clarke (the tendency)? explained how the He clearly Pabloite adaptation Stalinism struck at the roots of the Trotskyist party: "Leadership is the one unsolved problem of the working class of the entire world. between the working class of the world socialism the and un of leadership. problem recover what is meant by That is 'the question of the party'. That is what the Transitional Programme means when it states that the crisis of the is the crisis of leadership.... 'And if our break with Pabloism as we see it now clearly; if it boils down to one point and is concen- trated in one point, that is it - it is of the party. the question That marchine along so fast and so lar.

seen the development of Pabloism The essence of Pabloist in action. revisionism is the overthrow of that part of Trotskyism which is today its most vital part - the conception of the crisis of mankind as the crisis of the leadership the labour 0I in the summed up Lovemen question of the party. 'Pabloism aims not only to over- throw Trotskyism; it aims to over- Trotskyism part of which Trotsky learned from Lenin.

Lenin's greatest contribution to his was his idea and his whole epoch determined struggle build

CLU.

party capable of leading vanguard the workers in revolution. And he dia not confine his theory to the time of his own activity. He went all the way back to 1871, and said that the decisive factor the defeat of the first proletarian revolution, the Paris Commune, was the absence of party of the revolutionary Marxist vanguard, of giving the capable mass movement a conscious programme and a resolute leadership.

It was Trotsky's acceptance of this part 1917, that made Lenin Trotsky a Leninist. 'That is written into the Trans- Leninist itional that SOCIALIST PRESS, Wednesday 7th April 1976 James P. Cannon concept of the decisive role of the that is revolutionary And Dally. what the Pabloites are throwing overboard in favour of the that the ideas will ception how filter into the treacherous bureaucracy, the Stalinists or the.

reformists, and in some way socialist revolution realised and • carried through conclusion without a revolutionary Marxist, that is, a Leninist-Trotsky- That is the essence of ist

DOLLY.

Pabloism'. (Speech the Open November of NC, Henum the 1953).

ESSENCE

In our opinion these words ring They true to this day. accurately capture the essence of Pabloism in its accomodation to Stalinism It is impossible to give in one article a rounded account of how this tendency has worked through over more than two decades But let us Pabloism's question of the party' is sharpest - - on the political revolution, in the degenerated workers states where the Stalinists hold state power, in particular relation to Yugoslavia and Cuba.

It was from Tito's break with Pablo's Stalin 1948) that political course first took sail.

CP, he said, Tito's Yugoslavian ceased The be Stalinist had 1951 FI World Congress resolution on Yugoslavia pointed to the day when its leadership would, as: "a workers current coming out of Stalinism succeed in reuniting with tradition and pro ine

ENTE

gramme of Bolshevism, and definit- ively and decisively transcend Stalinism" In line with this perspective the European the sections ot Inter- national organised youth to travel to Yugoslav work camps, et tits as part of a political bloc with against Stalin. Only the IC, after the 1953 split broke with this accomodation to "lito. But had Tito, in breaking with Stalin, ceased to be Stalinist?

DICTATORSHIP

No! The political dictatorship of the bureaucracy in Yugoslavia was Oppositional currents preserved. permitted, within or out- were not side the Yugoslav CP 1953 on - after the And, from death of Stalin - Tito began his rapprochement with

DATO LENISI

the Kremlin. For Kruschev - whose visits to Yugoslavia put the seal on Tito's Soviet return to the camp Stalinism - the main objective was clear - to give himself a free hand and (as far as possible political support in dealing with the political revolution in Eastern Europe.

And this is exactly what he got!

In 1956 the revolution Autumn in poland and Hungar erupted and in Hungary it was put down by the Soviet army. The second Soviet "intervention' in Budapest was made only after a secret trip by Kruscher and Malen- kov on November 2nd to see Tito, to ensure his support. Without the promise of Tito's backing it would have been infinite- ly difficult to isolate more and crush the Hungarian working class Rut the promice was willinglv given

and at dawn on November 4th Red Army tanks opened fire on Buda- pest tion with, "regrets'. line that the fascists were that: Hungary, then, say although we ference, Soviet necessary" government most honest in This is clear marriage' of heirs Tito, square with And he sharpest and material test. other Poland return repress the Hungarian the light reverse AnTe International over Tito's also objectively Communist Castro's regime SOCIALIST PRESS, Wednesday 7th April 1976 Hungarian

THIE EYE

numerous the Kremlin's rising the upper we can that which The "te- Stalin's with stood four Stalinism in the this possible Gomulka in real ColourS promise for the which was Tito in events? Did it his to glossed Hungarian became an articles deny majority position on uprising. This is around must take place. refrains from Pablo's building So as Tito (left) and Stalin. Pablo's revision strated dove of Trotskyist programme began with Tito's break in 1948. and pressure and all replied to shootings obstacle to and complete the Stalinist ary forces bureaucracy: to example of and the victorious and state delayed Europe Eastern East Germany especially contributed revolutionary created by the rising 23rd October. scope and of revolution also audacity bottom of the Irigntened Yugoslay CP producer its there slavia are cracy hesitant equivocation. days decisive ution: The Fall of ation and communist Stalinism). N.C. 1953). Secretariat between Tito under way: avoiding and Ernest to be relating to the working class. of in the features from the Yugoslav Dhase made Communists the Hungarian the workers' states, mosl world

LWO

it calls, And foI political betrayal 'real and working class complete it But, current, as a With and their take place. March 18th). political equivocation economic the supposedly Portuguese accomodation the 'diplomatic' What of the CP last shifts proposals year; need for Trotskyist principled am not We the "left' Always on the have So resist 'unity"? struggle Tole of Stalinism. the of a clear and ship in left' and right, These may principles' The revolution No party can be built clear these questions, Budapest but equally

ITCA TI

1963, temper its against such vaccilations. mittee, We of Socialist the coalition Fourth League the rebuilding international International. principled Now: were these national not without

SLL

which in essence on the funda- questions, were 1971. 1951-53, world and continue secondary movement, the

USFI

key political masses is "No'. Congress The compelled adopted several with Stalinism or sectarians other vorter' stater Page 9 there is But be a complete dereliction that the had a East German mise on political questions. Red Weekly, that a split examining any quite clearly 'historical' For these not matters, leadership ite the continual

IMG

vaccillations, and jumps other work. And gunned were the I.S. above all Maitan essential: its the repeats Pablo Yugoslavia in the 1950's. under the Cuba is a of the that ship has crystallised as has showi revolt and but much Maitan explicitly these 1n bally. before the SWP September 3rd taking the while of the Weekly pulls IMG Secretary Grogan be incorrect to call for the buildin but into two of a Trotskyist section in Cuba.

The fact that the Castro leader of interests the ship has been increasingly assimilat into the international politica ed re- bloc Stalinism led Moscow by and that - as a direct result of this he supported the Soviet invasion o Czechoslovakia in 1968, is thrus altogether into the background.

"unity

PRESSURE

of 'unity" avoid the basic History repeats itself, but fo It as though, Pabloism the centrist hope that th itsel bureaucracy improve - But I springs ever new - precisely becaus I do it represents the pressure of thes you, not forces within the ranks of revolutionary movement. grounds foI The WSL is a national organisat ion. But it fights as an internatione political tendency. Our documen Fourth International: Problem and Tasks' opens a discussion in th world movement as a whole.

way hold that we ha We in no nothing to learn - one of the mai 'organisational tasks of the WSL and of the WR opposition has been to trace bac the roots of the degeneration of th Healy leadership the

WRI

The • not hold tha Specifically we do because the reunification of 196 formed. in did not take place on a principle crisis flows basis, the opposition to it by Heal Lambert and Wohlforth stood o existed as adequate political foundations effective any Nor do we seek 'confessions c from at least error' from those whom we politi ally oppose; still less do we wish t make an issue of every incident error of assessment in the pas But we do insist that the Fourt but the created above e facing else because Stalinism passed to th struggle. side of counter-revolution, and tit WSL have been be reconstructed it can only complete its historic task when of unremi principles and political struggie against, pendence of, the bureaucrac wish i to maintain hutt Into

Ase 10

IRELAND:

MARXISm OR

TERRORISM?

"Is individua] terror for example permissable or impermissable from the point of view of pure morals? In this abstract form the question does not exist at al for us. Conservative Swiss bourgeois even now render official praise to the terrorist William Tell. Our sympathies are fully on the side of the Irish, Russian, Polish or Hindu terrorists in their struggle against national and political oppression. The assassination of Kirov, a rude satrap does not call forth any sympathy. Our relation to the assassin remains neutra onlv because we do not know what motive guided him. If it became known that Nikolyev acted as a conscious avenger for workers' rights trampled on by Kirov our sympathies would be fully on the side of the assassin. However not the question of subjec- tive motives but that of objective expediency has for us the decisive significance. Are the given means really capable of leading to the goal.

In relation to individual terror both theory and experience bear witness that such is not the case. To the terrorist we say: it is impossible to replace the masses; only in the mass movement can you find expedient expression for your heroism. However under conditions of civil war the assassination of individual oppressors ceases to be an act of individual terror. If a revolutionist bombed General Franco and his Staff into the air it would hardly evoke moral indignation even from the democratic eunuchs. Under the conditions of civi war a similar act. would be politically completely expedient. Thus even in the sharpest quéstion - murder of man by man - moral absolutes prove futile. Moral evaluation together with those political flow from the inner needs of struggle" Their Morals And Ours, L. Trotsky, 1938.

At a Provisional IRA meet- indent in on the Isth pace pacifistic indignation of the IS the Kevin = a few weeks ago, Bombing" approach Nor do we new warned that if Frank ourselves like Workers Action limit allowed die, agg was to "moral condemnations" that speak of "indefensible actions" that taliation would be sought in gland. In the event, Home "Irish harm the good name Republicanism" Platonic solidarity cretary Roy Jenkins backed that neither criticises the politics of by the British government points beyond Republicanism nor without protest from the defence of its good name is an "left' MP remained firm abdication of proletarian internat- agle his determination to murder tomatisin Nor do we lend support as Red rank Stagg. Weekly has done, to the delusions Demanding the right to serve his of the Provisionals' petty bourgeois sentence in Ireland, a right leadership that they are undermin- at had already been conceeded to ing the economy of the six counties "loyalist" Stagg ny prisoners, by their bombs. dertook a hunger strike that ded in his death. Wakefield

MOBILISATION

In solitary cell in his body Frank finally stone, Stagg For us the inner needs ded his name to those Irishmen struggle to prise loose the grip of had sacrificed their lives so it Ireland might be free.

massive mobilisation under working Whether or not the bombs that he since exploded on the London be and at the Ideal Home Exhib- demands no more of the nationalist DE were a direct consequence oi population than that they provide a ng's death it is not possible to refuge from the British army.

noting nas contnoutca so much le demobilisation

RESPONSIBLE

Ramonat population as the bombing cam- What is possible and what we To say this is not to say that the hesitation in doing working class could finally triumph recting the attention of the work- against capitalism without recourse class England to those 1n sponsible for the killings and hirings that have taken place on Anyone who could claim other- ith sides of the Irish Sea.

wise after the slaughter in Chile is either a fool or a conscious counter- It is British capitalism's attempts many years to impose It is to say that the arms that the pous solutions the Irish working class must wield must be ople that has produced from the pressed Irish the inevitable unuer pontical control, wncreas cut istance. It was Britain's capitulation nationalist organisations - from the Officials to the left-wing split from beltast boureeoisie abetted by military section of the English the IRSP - are not political parties but military conspiracies.

ing class that led to a partitioned thus an land unfinished nonal revolution that is at the

SUPPORT

art of todays struggles. And it was behind the shield of British Their struggle against British pes formed to unlease the sectar- imperialism, which support campaign from quite irrespective of the methods 72 onwards. they choose to wage that struggle, From this understanding flows is composed of a series of heroic demand for the immediate acts undertaken "on behalf of the" incrawal of British troops from the people but is very rarely, and jand. our support for Irish self- not at al in the _ last few years, dermination. of the Tensact Coleon conscious development 105 the war effort againsi of that move- • List zople and the release of Cate prisoners. attitude One exception that took place the bombine British troops in Northern Ireland: the attempted assassination of John Taylor, the Unionist champion of specials". He perfectly the all that the mass move- symbolised ment was fighting against and his was not welcomed by the nationalist population. On the other hand the kidnap- Dutch industrialist ping of the Herrema by two Provos had relation to such a movement and was entirely disastrous in its con- strike progress 1r when the kidnapping took place was called off and workers marched through Limerick in a demonstra- tion against the IRA and for the return of their boss.

PLEA

After his release Herrema suc- cessfully dealt with a wage payment that due by circulating was personal plea to all the workers in the climate economic present defer their claim. We criticise the petty bourgeois programme of the Republicans on grounds very similar to our criti- cism of the bureaucracies that dominate the English labour move- Both profoundly contemptuous of t

HICL

the masses which they rest. To both, the masses are a stage army to be manipulated in negoti- ation with the capitalist boss or the • lord. imperialist wat SHor one the card the threat of negotiating 1S strike, lot tae orner cue bollo Both belittle the Tole of the masses in their own consciousness.

For the bureaucrat labour the "owe" masses him soft living culminate in the House that might of Lords. For the Provo the masses shelter against British him army patrols.

BUREAUCRAT

But having noted the similarity let us note also where it ends. The labour bureaucrat the last defence of the capitalist state.

At he tries to tie the for- every turn tunes of the working class to the nation state. He fuels anti-Irish chauvinism and foments hostility to all those who resist the oppressive actions of

TOYINORIS.

however, fight British imperialism, and, however inadequately they do it, to the extent that they remain undefeated they weaken the capac- ity of British imperialism to manage their own working class. Having only a military perspec- tive for defeating British imperial- ism it is hardly surprising that the entire spectrum of Republican- ism is blind to the divisions within the Loyalist camp. Instead it can The so-called revolutionary left in Ireland - the jesters at the Pro- visionals court - can add nothing to this. No doubt the conditions exist for civil war. Barring one small matter There Instruments of class rule.

Loyalists as divided as are and demoralised as the nationalists. The in Belfast touch heavy engineering the very heart of Protestant work- ing class ascendency.

JOBS

The thunder bolts that capitalist proll seeking Has denverca lo rous Royce, Standard Telephones and Sydenhams have destroyed jobs with a suddeness that makes the explosions of the Provisionals puny and primitive by comparison.

AND WAITS

At the National Assembly on Unemployment on March 27th, the overwhelming majority of the TUC General Council were conspicuously absent. One notable exception however, was Ray Buckton, General Secretary of ASLEF.

Like the other eminent bureau- crats at the conference he restricted his contribution to routine attacks on Labour's right-wing, reactionary calls for import controls and vague exhortations to organise "action" in support of the campaign against unemployment - point committing himself to any action whatsoever.

Buckton's recent past has shown him • to be • a man wno Four days before the inaction. at public National ASSCINDIy , meeting in Oxford called by the three railway unions in opposition to the rail cuts, Buckton was asked why, if he so vehementiy opposed instructed his the he had Cuts. striking members on the Eastern to work and Region to their fight to defend abandon working conditions threatened by those cuts. "I sat in my office and waited," to see what would he replied, happen". Since, during the course of this vigil he received none of the usual calls from the Secretary of state Chairman of British Rail and the begging him to send the men back he work became convinced that those forces seeking to imple- rail cuts happy were

HELLL

see a section of railway workers isolated, fighting a losing battle and turning 'public sympathy' against the railways. order der to prevent to their "further that SOCIALIST PRESS, Wednesday Ith April 1976 And it goes without saying that those bought and paid for moralists wax. so indignantly over WIld Provisional terror remain silent at havoc being wrought amongst the Protestant working class.

In the fight to build an Irish of the Trotskyist Fourth section International, revolutionaries then North and South which can provide a starting point. The growth of such section lead the to national liberation and social revolution in Ireland can only take place through a break from the bankrupt heritage of militant catholic nationalism

BUCKTON SITS

work, he told the audience.

If it was not their militancy but their isolation that he genuinely feared, he could have taken positive steps to end that isolation.

It was his duty to make their action official, call out all the other Regions and insist that the NUR Executive bring out their members (whose jobs are equally at risk) in full support. From this base a real struggle could have been waged not only against rail cuts (the first round of which Buckton accepted last year) and the unemployment which they will inevitably cicate. our also lc the government to inject force capital into the railways, and guar- spending to prevent the rundown of public transport. might have been That is what As it happened, the only fight that Buckton fought was against his own members, to ensure they returned to work both isolated and defeated. His past actions therefore, in the battle against unemployment, have shining the not been

LASSE

champion of the working class who presented himself to the National Assembly. But we have yet to see if he has a future in this role.

The Assembly voted to make May 26th a day of national action against unemployment. Branches of ASLEF must table motions insist- ing that Buckton_use his position National Executive and on on the the TUC General Council to fight all official action by strike unions on that day. This time he cannot be allowed to watch railmen stick their necks out in unofficial action while he sits and waits for the employers' axe to

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• 12

STRUGGLE AGAINST

BANBURY SACKINGS

Only a few months after redundancies ac- were pted at the Export Packing vices plant in Banbury, rther 350 workers - 40% of labour force * to be sacked in June.

LUCI

port packing work for Chrysle

I LOVEI

it of the reorganisation follow- i the acceptance of mass redun- Now the Shop Stewards Com- IS tee in EPS, having failed with a licy for short time working, to stect jobs last September, have P and prepare the ground for a The starting point

HE V

information provided on the of the the

FULL PAY

The Chrysler contract must be lined in Banbury or a system full pay on be with all jobs protec- Demands must be placed on leaderships of the

WHATTHE FUTURE

OF OUR NATION

IF YoU DEPRIVE

OUR CHILDREN

OF THEIR

EDUCATION

monstration against spending cuts - NUT leaders will fight militant chers but not government cuts.

NEW MOVE TO

DISCIPLINE TEACHERS

Following the recent up- situation was that no London area witchhunts val and branch passed any resolution of staff of discipline, and the London bur- and the the mindful of eaucrats, pending Tyndale liam Junior elections did not dare to press the NUT bureau- 001, the issue. is attempting to give Several complaints were made power to discipline any by olitt associations, atog c is doubtful whether any of them actions which such came from rank and file resol- "bring the union say utions - the Oxford City Assoc- disrepute' iation Committee sent did The present situation is that complaint and not abers can only be disciplined notify their membership of their the actions - the members had to read plaint being presented to the about it in the Teacher (weekly NUT newspaper). cutive by the relevant regionai The Report of the Executive to cutive member. Conference is recommending that the problem for the bureau- a National William Tyndale Disciplinary Panel be with the • British

WAS HEY

Was IN wno are who when or So elected the members, Disciplinary So the unions and bodies in cracy

ANCIDEY

complaints members to nave acted are in breach of to suspend will movement bureau- the democratic SOCIALIST PRESS, Wednesday 7th April 1976

HOSPITALS FIGHT

cuts, Lt e Stalinists. International Socialists ClIN

LADO IT

but Jones goes huttillatt 'lefts' tia increase Court: Call Publication Fund

TARGET: £500

Since we last went to we have received: Oxford General £13; st xord NAS 52: Oxford PSF 13.05; Oxford Assembly Islington £10; £15; Oxford Collection £4; Aylesbury £5.25; Oxford (Booksellers) £20; (East) £18.25; Banbury reader £1; London (North) £32; London London (South) £5; Coventry £4.50; Leamington £1; Nuneaton £5.25; Winsford £5.75; Midlands Area Collection £S.

Total received since last edition: £160.05. Total so far: £393.00 Please send all donations to: WSL Publications Fund, 31, Dartmouth Park Hill, London NWS 1HR.