Shipbuilding: Save the Bosses

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"It is a sti ruggle for jobs." That was hor w Callaghan described the situation facing shipbuilding workers at the Boilermakers Conference in But Callaghan's trip to this conference was not concerned with the saving of jobs - but rather at securing the co-operation of the Union in the "slimming of the shipbuilding industry" and the destruction of jobs.

The nationalisation of the shipbuilding industry now being carried out by the Callaghan government is intended solely to benefit the shipyard bosses and to set the stage through massive attacks on shipbuilding workers.

ANARCHIC

For years, workers in the yards have been at the mercy of every anarchic boom and slump in the world market.

At the slightest threat of a decline in world trade, ship owners have called a halt to new orders and cancelled existing ones.

Each wave of recession has pushed thousands of workers onto the dole. The boom of 1972-74 pushed up world capacity to 33 million gross tons, as each capitalist fought to expand his share of the profits.

Now, with the slump in world demand, (predicted as no more than 12 million gross tons until 1980) massive closures and redundancies are on the agenda throughout the world.

For the British shipyard bosses, whose tottering and antiquated yards have been pushed one step closer to bankruptcy with each wave of recession, this present slump spells disaster.

With only 33,000 gross tons ordered in 1975 - compared with a capacity of over 1 million gross tons and order books already running short - they are, with tew exceptions, faced with collapse.

for them the Labour government's Nationalisation Bill is only means to save their money.

This explains the alacrity with which they have accepted nationalisation, and well paid seats on the new Shipbuilding Board. (When the Tories at one point seemed near to defeating the Bill, Swan Hunter's shares dropped 18% in one day!)

For the 72,000 workers in the yards, it is another story nationalisation will be the signal for the fiercest attack on jobs yet seen.

Central to this will be the role of the union leaders, courted by Callaghan this May.

The UCS. struggle of 1971 showed both the determination of shipyard workers to fight all out for their jobs, and the completely criminal role of the union leadership who refused to fight for the full nationalisation of the and accepted some of the worst agreements on conditions and productivity in return for what was no more than a stay of execution.

Now the union leaders, for all their statements that they will resist any closures or redundancies, have agreed in the tri-partite working committee set up by Industry Secretary Varley to co-operate in the planning of a profitable COOPERATION This can only mean one thing -their cooperation in these redundancies and closures.

The only policy Boilermakers' leader MeGarvey has offered is the completely diversionary call for British shipowners to "buy British"

But to defend the jobs of shipyard workers a socialist programme not barren nationalism is needed. There must be no cooperation with this capitalist form of nationalisation.

Not one job must be allowed to go. The fight must be for work-sharing on full pay and for a programme of public works under union control to create new jobs for shipyard workers.

The books of the owners must be thrown open to show the need for the nationalisation to go ahead with no compensation to the owners and under the management of elected worker committees.

Alongside this, the nationalisation of the shipowners must be fought for. In no other way can the development of the yards be planned in the interest of the workers.

Occupation of the yards to fight this capitalist nationalisation must be prepared for now before a single job is lost.

A strong step forward in the fight against unemployment in the Leamington area was taken when on July 11th the Warwick and Leamington Trades Council set up an unemployment sub-committee.

The task of the committee was to be to campaign against growing unemployment and to direct the organisation of unemployed workers into the trade unions.

PLAN OF ACTION

The committee has since met twice and adopted an all-round plan of action designed to take the political questions involved in the fight to defend jobs into the local labour movement.

Among its proposals was to take an initiative to involve unemployed workers and youth in its meetings, and to gather detailed information from shop stewards committees on the development and growth of unemployment, short time working and unemployment among women, youth and apprentices.

Attempts will be made to visit local union branch meetings to take up the issue of reci viting ployed workers into tl le unio IS.

In addition, plans are beir ig laid for a demonstration town in September.

POTTERTON'S

One of the first issues to be taken up in the struggle against unemployment in Leamington is the planned sacking of 140 staff and production workers at Potterton's - which is a part of Birmid Qualcast.

This amounts to a 10% redundancy from the 1400 workforce, and will add to the already above average unemployment in the area.

No lead has been given so far by the unions involved, the AUEW (foundry section) TGWU and ASTMS. In fact before the works holidays the AUEW leadership were even canvassing their members for voluntary redundancies!

Already the firm has succeeded in reducing workers to a four day week.

The fight against this new wave of redundancies must be based on the demand for work sharing on full pay, backed by occupation of the plant if the employer refuses to withdraw the planned sackings.

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