Tuc Strikebreakers

Scan page 1

The power of the working class, though muted in this period by the betrayals of its cutting social contract drawn up by Jack Jones and the bureaucrats of the TUC with the Labour government.

The majority vote for stike action by 58,000 seamen - one of the smaller sections of the TUC -not only shook the employers and the stability of the pound, but threatened the very existence of the Labour government.

LOGIC

The vote drew out into the open as never before the logic of the reactionary policies of the reformist leaders of the TUC. As the strike deadline approached the confrontation came not with the shipowners as in the past, nor even with the Labour government as in 1966, but with Jones, Scanion and the General Council of the TUC.

Massive pressure was applied to the NUS negotiators. Jones is quoted in the Sunday Times as asking General Secretary Slater if he was prepared to destroy his union, the economy and the Labour government.

SMASH

This can only be an open threat by Jones that if the seamen took action he would set out to smash the NUS as a union.

©Mirror BRITISH LEYLAND No. 46 • of Britai Lestend September 15th 1976 UNION CHIEF at in British Leyland. "Without Jack Jones. of the company would strous, sod that w the position facing workers Did has been rescaud cedure A action and the stark difficulties exist may arise.* "Big Two' of the trade oint statemeat SHUT THE DOOR.. INFLATION chance of success. Already key sections of workers were declaring support for the seamen.

These solidarity moves by workers reflected the strength of the working class, as did the seven NUS Executive members who voted for strike action right to the end.

Indeed the problem for Jones and Murray from the start was that they were not in reality confronting Slater and the NUS Executive - who had accepted the 42% deal - but the working class behind them, forcing them forward.

NOT ACCEPTED Their problem is that the working class have not accepted the 42%. It was only accepted on their behalf by the union bureaucrats.

There is no doubt that the militancy which is now emerging around fringe benefit claims would have emerged, and will still emerge, in the fight for wages once a lead is given.

It demonstrates that the miners would have voted massively in favour of a fight against the 4% if their executive had recommended rejection and not acceptance.

Such is the hostility to the 42% and the pressure within the working class that even an extreme right-winger, Terry Duffy, newly elected as Midlands Executive Councilman for thi AUEW was forced to point out a the weekend that:

"You have no idea of thi hostility I have already encoun tered from men reluctant tr swallow pay restraint for anothe year."

DUFFY

And this hostility forced declare also that:

"If the seamen are awarde fringe benefits, my members wi want each and every one as well."

In excess of 5 million worker are now lined up to pursue fring benefit claims on the lines of th seamen.

Jones' and Murray's attempt to manipulate the working clas into wage cuts has blown up i their faces. The fringe benefi manoeuvre, seen by them as means of saving the socia contract, has in fact given th working class a means throug which it can express its resistance Murray's statement, hours afte the strike was called off, tha "the social contract has stood th test" already sounds somewha hollow.

ENORMOUS

The lessons of this period fo the working class on the questio of leadership are enormous. Tha Continued on back col!

----- pull-quotes -----

leadership, has now opened a jagged crack in the wage-

TRADES UNION CONGRESS BRIGHTON 1976