Workers Face a Bullocking

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Leyland unless this last problem' but workers control over manag was solved, and industrial action ment by the workers! Leeds Chinese Communist Party was the mates" of The capitalist crisis has predictably given the labour bureaucracy Man especially intense craving for schemes of "workers' participation" in the management of capitalist firms.

This is because the capitalist system, in front of which these bureaucrats bow and scrape no longer permits them to appear to win any real reforms for their members.

On the contrary, requires them to turn into full-time wage cutters, strike breakers and agents of speed-up, redundancy and all the other anti-working class measures through which the capitalists hope to resolve their crisis.

Participation schemes heip them play this role in a variety of ways. Workers' participation is a way of weakening the trade union organisation at the factory and company level where it is most difficult for the bureaucracy to maintain control.

REPRESENTATION

"Participation" does this by setting up forms of "representation" which are designed to supercede the independent trade union institutions.

Workers' "representatives" become directly insolred is takine decisions to sack workers, ittensity Clive Jenkins Lord Ryder Jack Jones comprising convenors and also representatives of staff unions and industrial engineers!

Both foremen and work-study men spoke from the rostrum arguing in favour of the "participation' plan. And in the end the Company took a 'vote of those present -which, not surprisingly, was in favour of participation.

"COMMON INTEREST'

This was the 'decision' referred to and adhered to by Robinson. It is a clear example of the whole way in which 'participation' sets out to amalgamate the independence of the working class into some kind of illusory 'common interest' with the employers.

Now the pace at which the impact of "participation' is being felt is hotting up. Leyland management have begun to turn the pressure on to their obliging assistants in the unions.

It was in response to this that a special joint meeting was called of all full-time local and national officials in both the T&GWU and the AUEW last August.

At that meeting, Harry Urwin, Assistant General Secretary of the and member of the National Enterprise Board, made the point that the NEB would not give any further tinancial aid to Chinese Communist Party was the Comintern link and the early struggle between Trotskyism and Stalinism in the Chinese Party and among the Chinese students in Moscow.

The story of this struggle is told in Wang Fan-hsi's brilliant and moving Memoirs of a Chinese Revolutionary, to be published in English translation by Oxford University Press.

Finally I disagree with Paul Stein that the far-left Sheng-wulien group "overstepped the mark only in its branding of Chou En-lai" as a red capitalist. Shengwu-lien's "eulogies" of Mao were a necessary strategem to avoid immediate suppression.

Although it is true that Shengwu-lien's programme echoed some of the "approved political estion la "participation'. Trade union repres entatives were congratulated for the enthusiasm they had sbown - but it was said that the set-up was not working at shop floor level.

NO SAY The reason for this is clear. Shop floor workers have in very many cases been given no say ore whether or not they accept participation - and it has never won their The shop floor is the area of workers which has to work the speed-up and in the worsened conditions discussed by tbe coliao orators on the participation some mittees.

A movement against partazpa tion has already begun to mate itself felt. Jaguar workers in Coventry have withdraw: from the set-up. as have ALEW semaris at the Leyland Body Plant at Coricy.

Ir is clear tha: given a principled leadership it mouli be posable to build a ampaie ore ina Dext fer months is 10 00 71 7 and rets o to pit fe by elected stop sertis The Opposi workers participatio: int bead, must be tarzé da in Indep endence of the shop floor from management. But it can and must be extended beyond this to put forward the call for elected trade union committees to begin to assert control over management.

This question comes to the fore in a number of ways. Where speedup is threatened by management, the demand must be for a propor tional increase in manning to b agreed by the unions. Where lay.

offs or short-time are imposed by management, the demand must be for work-sharing on full pay.

Leyland cars The continual arguments abou the financial state of the compan must be challenged by demandin the company account books b opened to elected trade unio representatives, who can expose t the workers the behind the scene wheeling and dealing, the link between the company, componer firms and the banks, and the nee for the nationalisation of th industry as a whole.

This fight for workers' contro a step towards workers' manag' ment under socialism, is based o the independence of the workin class. The plans for workers' "part cipation" are a bare-faced attack o that independence. The fight mu be:

No participation in managemen mates" of the bureaucracy, statement that "political power still in the hands of the bureaucra and the seizure of power is only superficial reform" ran explicit counter to the official line, a accounts for the criel suppressi of the group.

Sheng-wu-lien in fact became symbol of anti-bureaucratic rev for youth in China, and its ide appear to have retained influence in the opposition currer that continue to exist in the und ground there, and also amo revolutionary youth i in the colo of Hong Kong.

From a Trotskyist point of vie Sheng-wu-lien's main weakness • its acceptance of the Maoist idea "red capitalism"

Yours fraternal Gregor Bentr

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