Workers Socialist League

Socialist Press, Trotskyism Today and the Trotskyist International Liaison Committee, 1975–1984

[In the last three years Southern Africa has…]

Socialist Press no. 58, 13 April 1977 · scan p. 2 · about 1,250 words

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In the last three years Southern Africa has become one of the centres of the world revolutionary struggle. Any such situation which contains revolutionary potential poses a threat both to imperialism and Stalinism.

This is because it threatens to shatter the Stalinists' counter-revolutionary agreement to divide the world between the capitalist ruling class and the Peking and Moscow bureaucracies.

But, at the same time, it offers an opportunity for each of them to redraw the lines of demarcation to their own advantage.

FLAGGING FORTUNES This is why Southern Africa has become one of the hotbeds of international 'great power' diplomacy.

So it is not surprising that one of the first missions of Britain's boy Foreign Secretary David Owen was to set off in the footsteps of the United States UN Representative Andrew Young to try to repair the flagging fortunes of the imperialistsin Africa.

Before he left Owen was forced to concede an (inevitably fruitless) inquiry into the sanctions-breaking activities of Shell and British government-owned BP in Rhodesia.

On several occasions he will find himself crossing the still warm tracks of his infinitely more successful Stalinist predecessors President Podgorny of the Soviet Union and Cuban Premier Fidel Castro.

In both Italy and France the crisis of the bourgeoisie has deepened in the last two weeks.

In both countries the bourgeoisie faces the problem of governing through parliamentary means without being able to command a majority of the electorate.

In neither country has the situation yet led to an open government crisis because of the position taken by the Stalinists and reformists.

In Italy, they have permitted the Christian Democrats (Tories) to rule by abstaining in parliament; in France, where the government still has a parliamentary majority, they refrain from any action which would precipitate a general election which the Gaullists and Giscardians would be bound to lose.

But in both countries this flagrant class collaboration by the workers' parties is meeting • with The two of them have spent the Zambia, Angola and Mozambique) Inents. before reuniting to compare notes in Moscow.

They have also spoken to the leaders of the South African African National Congress, the Zimbabwean Patriotic Front, and the South West Africa People's Organisation.

TRIUMPH

The tours were little short of a triumph. Castro and Podgorny got red-carpet treatment in places until recently long regarded as imperialist domains.

Marchais, French CP leader. increasing resistance from the working class.

Workers can Vorkers can see that all they 'gain' from the And even better, they were able Podgorny had more money to offer, but Castro was more demonAllende and Castro strative about the role of the growing Stalinist presence in Africa. On his way to Moscow he said:

"There are Cubans in Africa and Asia ... Who make their modest contribution to the revolutionary struggle... We do not do that for reasons of national prestige nor to play a role in international life, We do it because we are internationalists".

The role of the Cuban forces in Angola seems to lend credence to of their political parties is falling rages, growing unemployment an vorsening social service In Italy this situation has provoked the recent bitter demonstrations by students and young unemployed workers against the leaders of the Communist Party trade union federation, the CGIL Sharp divisions have arisen in the leadership of the CP about hov o deal with this The majority have decided against a 'left' turn into outright opposition, which would precipitate a general election and perhaps an uncontrollable government crisis.

Instead they have decided to try get a clearer reward for their collaboration.

Party General Secretary Enrico Berlinguer would like the CP to be admitted to a • broad political coalition with the bourgeois parties.

But this being for now imposs- But this being for now impossible, he demands a 'political agreethis claim. But, despite this, claim is a fraudulent one.

It that Ci istro omitted from his alist credentials any word about his own continent, Latin America.

INCORPORATION

This is because since his total incorporation into Soviet foreign policy in the late 1960s Cuba has systematically withdrawn all support from anti-imperialist or socialist movements in Latin America, supporting instead reactionary dictatorships in Peru and fanama and lining up behind the counter-revolutionary Communist Parties.

And he now includes in his 'revolutionary internationalism' such openly counter-revolutionary governments as that of Gaddaffi in Libya or the military Derg in Ethiopia.

'LEFT FACE'

When Cuba supported guerilla movements in Latin America it was opposed by the Soviet Union.

Now when Cuba sends troops to Angola it acts as the sanctioned "left' face of a world policy of Stalinism whose direction very clearly comes from Moscow and whose overall objective is to forestall revolution. ment' with the Christian Democrats to replace the present "arrangement on programme' So far the Christian Democrats have said they will have none of this. Meanwhile, Italy's IMF loan remains unratified and the climate of uncertainty becomes more intense.

In France, their shattering defeat in the local elections, has brought ruling class parties close to despair.

President Giscard has appointed a new "non-political" cabinet, which in practice means he has dropped only three members of the last one, including hated Interior Minister Poniatowski.

Among the replacements is veteran Gaullist Alain Peyrefitte who was de Gaulle's Minister of Education during the crisis of 1968.

Chirac's new-look Gaullists have come to see their involvement with the crumbling Giscard regime as a political liability.

Premier Bhutto is having no success in forcing the fraudulent results of the recent election down the throats of the people.

The opposition Pakistan National Alliance has boycotted the Assembly. And in any case Bhutto has imprisoned its major leaders and most of its MPs. A one-day general strike called by the PNA got massive support and numerous huge demonstrations have continued calling on Bhutto to resign and call new elections. The demonstrations have been ruthlessly suppressed by the police.

Bhutto's method of ruling is now through ruthless dictatorship. Over 100 demonstrators have been killed since the elections six weeks ago and 30,000 arrested.

SPAIN

The Spanish Communist Party has finally been legalised. This follows weeks of constitutional cat and mouse, the Supreme Court finally saying that it was not capable of deciding and throwing the problem back to Prime Minister. Suarez.

His decision is no surprise since CP leader Carrillo is one of the few people who want Suarez to go on being Prime Minister after the elections due within six weeks (though the date has still not been announced).

British Leyland has taken out a High Court injunction to try to prevent the picketing of its Irish factory where 250 workers are on unofficial strike in support of a pay claim. Leyland has refused to implement the nationally negotiated wage deal on the grounds that it cannot afford to pay the increase.

Their attitude to the new government is moving increasingly from the traditional position of 'Yes, but : to one of 'No, unless BEST FRIENDS Its best friends remain the Stalinist and reformist bureaucracies who fear precipitating anything which might smack of a social crisis.

But the pressure of the working class against the hated Barre plan for wage control and public spending cuts has become SO intense that the main trade union federations have been forced to announce plans for new strike actions against it, though they continue to limit these to token strikes.

But in Paris the bourgeoisie sleeping no sounder than it is Rome.

← Contents of Socialist Press no. 58, 13 April 1977