Betrayals That Opened Door for Hitler

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SECOND IN OUR SERIES "HOW FASCISTS TOOK STATE POWER" BY JIM SHORT.

As 193 in Germany opened, the Nazis, growing in confidence every day, struck out more firmly than previousIy on the road to power.

In the spring of that year, they turned their attention to the crucial Landtag (State Legislature) of Prussia, a Social Democratic stronghold whose coalition government was headed by Otto Braun and Carl Severing of the Social Democratic Party (SPD).

Thinking that they could conquer the Landtag if fresh elecTIons were held, the Nazis, in alliance with right wing nationalists led by Alfred Hugenberg, seized on a clause in the Weimar constitution and called for a referendum to oust the Prussian government.

At first the Communist Party (KPD), opposed the referendum. But on July 21, 1931, they made a sudden break with their line that the social democrats were social iascists. The KPD presented an ultimatum to the SPD leadershipjoin immediately with us in a united front against fascism, or we will vote with the Nazis in the referendum.

REJECTED

When the SPD rejected the ultimatum, the KPD shamelessly switched their position, redubbed the referendum the "Red Referendum" and campaigned for the removal of the SPD-led government.

In this way the German workers witnessed the bewildering and enemies, the Nazis, for the downfall of the coalition government.

As it happened, although 9.8 million voters supported the referendum on 9 August, it failed to secure the approval of more than half the electorate (ie 13 million votes), and so was defeated.

But although it failed to remove the government, the referendum succeeded opening up new sources of support for the Nazis, and also managed to discredit completely the KPD in the eyes of Social Democratic workers, who by this Stage were clamouring decisive action against the fascists.

IRON FRONT

In response to this pressure, the SPD authorised, in December 1931, the creation of the "Iron Front for Resistance Against Fascism"-a mass organisation which embraced the old Reichsbanner, SPD youth, and other labour and liberal groups.

The rank and file of the SPD rallied round this Iron Front, and a series of strect demonstrations which led to clashes with the Nazis, were held.

But despite these sporadic engagements, the Iron Front failed io conduct any serious struggle against the Nazis.

Vor, indeed, could it, since the SPD leaders had no intention of fighting Hitler's bands, and had established the Iron Front merely as a safety-valve to defuse and head off the growing discontent at Jardion that was gathering within *he anis of the SPD.

* correct application of the ted iront by the RPD could have In the continuc id his playing off class other.

Ine conardi But instead the KPD continued to brand the social democracy as "social fascism". , to insist that they were a more dangerous enemy than the Hitlerites.

Instead of engaging in a united tront with the SPD, they objectively formed a united front with the Nazis-as in the Red Referendum.

OPPORTUNISTIC

Such opportunistic manoeuvring not only failed to win over SPD members to a consistent revolutionary line, but actually drove them closer to their own leadership.

During 1932 the economic crisis worsened. Five million were now unemployed, as wages and jobless benefits were slashed.

The political crisis worsened also. On March 18, 1932 new elections for the presidency were held.

The outgoing President, the monarchist Hindenburg, was again standing-this time. with SPD support. They argued that he was 'the lesser evil". and must be supported against Hitler.

Îwo other candidates contested the election-Thaelmann of the KPD, and the ultra-right Stahlhelm leader, Theodor Dusterburg.

After an inconclusive first round in which no one received an absolute majority, a runn off election was held on April 10. Dusterburg withdrew, and the Nationalists campaigned for Hitler.

The results this time gave Hindenburg 53% of the poll, Hitler 36.8% and Thaelmann 10.2%.

The SPD who had turned their Iron Front into an electoral machine for Hindenburg, hailed the results as a decisive victory over But in doing so they closed their eycs to the fact that the Nazi vote had doubled from 6.4 million to 13.4 million in just seventeen months!

PLAYED OFF

Reichstag, Bruning Bonapartist policy of the Nazis and the parties against each Pro sidential elections continuation SA and the SS (the Schutz-Staffel, or "Protective Columns"-originally Hitler's personal bodyguard).

But this decree was to prove Bruning's undoing. For a series of intrigues within the military high so-called social geeral", , Kurt von by the Schleicher, resulted in Bruning's resignation as Chancellor during May 31, Hindenburg appointed Franz von Papen as Chancellor, and instructed him to form a Cabinet that would be "above parties".

This was about all von Papen could do, since he possessed absolutely no support in the Reichstag, and was able to rule only by precariously balancing Detween the contending factions.

BAN LIFTED

On June 4, von Papen dissolved the Reichstag, and set new elections for July 31. On June 15, the ban on the SA and the SS was lifted, and they at once showed their gratitude by unleashing a wave of political terror and violence unseen since the Freikorps terror of 19181919.

Hundreds died in the space of four weeks, after which von Papen prohibited all political parades for two weeks before the elections.

But the Nazis decided to end their murder campaign in a blaze of fascist glory. On July 17 they held Hitler with big business backers.

a march, under police supervision, through Altona, a working class suburb of Hamburg. At the end of the day, 19 workers lay dead and 285 were wounded.

Von Papen then delivered nis master-stroke. On the pretext that the Altona riots showed the incapacity of the Prussian government to maintain "law and order"

he deposed it on July 20, 1932, and appounted himself Reich Commissioner for Prussia.

The next move was up to the SPD. They had pledged themseives to defend the republic against any coup d'etat "from the right or from the left" . But as workers waited expectantly for the signal to act.

the SPD leadership huffed and pufied. indulged in a charade of indignant protest and erentuals decided... to fight the coop in the against all opposition to them.

of their Red Referendum antics against the same Prussian government still fresh in people's minds, the response was derisory.

The workers were now seriously lemoraliszed, the fascists elatea. And in the elections that were held on July 31, the Nazis took 37.4% of the vote which exceeded the combined vote of the KPD and the SPD which was 36.2%.

For the first time, the Nazis were the largest party the in Reichstag.

USE NAZIS

Now Papen's plans were, like Bruning's to use the Nazis without giving them any major share of the power. But encouraged by their electoral successes, the Nazis refused his overtures, and when the new Reichstag convened on September 12, they joined with other parties in censuring von Panen's regime by 513 votes to 32.

Once again the Reichstag was dissolved, and once again elections were sct--this time for November 6.

Between September and November, however. the Nazis began to lose some of their momentum. Big business began to baulk at the prospect of these brown-shirted plebians holding political power, at the same time as Hitler's own supporters became impatient about Hitler's strategy of a legal" seizure of power FINANCE The huge finances ne dea sustain the Nazi machine, the SA the SA and the SS began to dry up, and this fact is reflected the November election results.

The Nazis lost 2 million votes as their share of the poll dropped to 33.1%. The SPD and KPD now had 37.3%--an increase of l.1% compared to July.

Clearly, even at this late stage.

determined ioint action by the SPD and the RPD could have halted the vazis, and could have changed the balance of forces so die triu. = at the electoral results between May 1928 and November 1932.

During that period the SPD vote consistently fell, from 29.8% in 1928 to 20.4% in November 1932, while the KPD vote consistently rose from 10.6% to 16.9%. In November, only 1¼ million (3.5%) votes separated the Social Democratic and Communist candidates.

This narrowing of the gap was achieved despite the disastrous third period policy of social fascism, despite the refusal of the united front tactic by the KPD leadership and despite the Red Referendum and similar opportunistic manoeuvres.

There can be no doubt, even it we look only at the distorted reflection of mere election results, that the objective conditions could have bencfitted the KPD, and that this potential strength could have been transformed into a reality if a correct line had been followed.

Of course. during the same

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Nazi flag hangs outside union headquarters, 1933.

March 30 September October 1{ March 25 August 9 October April April April July 31 August 27 September November December January January January January February February March March March April June period, the Nazi vote rose astronomically, trom a mere 2.6% to 37.4% in July 1932 only to drop to 33.1% in November 1932.

But that drop of 2 million votes reveals how precariously placed the fascists actually were.

MASS BASE

The mass base of any fascist movement is the petty-bourgeoisie, an extremely heterogeneous social grouping wedged between the proletariat and the big bourgeoisie.

As such, the petty-bourgeoisie can play no independent historic role, and in times of sharp social crisis the petty-bourgeois must necessarily align themselves with one camp or the other-the proletarian or the bourgeois.

Fascism represents the mobilisation of the petty-bourgeoisie against the working class in the interests of big business. If they encounter no resistance, the fascist June July July 1930 Bruning (Centre Party) appointed Chancellor Nazis win over six million votes at General Election. Unemployment: 3,000,0 00. SPD decides to support Bruning Cabinet in Reichstag as the 'lesser evil'.

1931 Agreement between army and SA on joint action.

KPD joins with Nazis in 'Red Referendum' in attempt to remove SPD from office in Prussia. Fails.

Hitler joins with Nationalists in 'Harzburg front' against Weimar Republic. Unemployment reaches 4,350,000.

1932 Hitler wins 13½ million votes in presidential elections. But Hindenburg wins again backed by SPD.

Bruning bans SA and SS.

Army leaders protest against ban on Nazis. Bruning dismissed by Hindenburg. Papen begins rule by decree.

Ban lifted by Papen on SA and SS.

Nazi raid on Altona (Hamburg). 19 killed, 285 wounded.

Papen coup in Prussia. Strikes by workers, no resistance by SPD or trade union leaders. Nazi vote up to 13¾ million. KPD 5,280,000 KPD denounces united front appeal by SPD. von Papen government voted down by huge majority in Reichstag. New elections called. Unemployment 5,102,000.

Nazis lose two million votes in election. KPD up to nearly six million.

Schleicher appointed Chancellor. Begins talks with 'left' Nazis and trade union leaders.

1933 Unemployment nears seven million. Fall of Schleicher. Big business insists Hitler as only solution.

Hitler appointed Chancellor by Hindenb urg (voted back as President in April 1932 with support of SPD).

Trade union leaders state readiness to support Hitler regime.

Police raid KPD headquarters.

Nazis set fire to Reichstag building. on KPD. Party banned.

Nazis win 44% of votes in terror election. SA wreck trade union headquarters Breslau.

New Nazi government passes enabling act. Total powers to Hitler. Quite legal.

Trade union leaders agree to support Nazi "national labour day'.

Trade union leaders march with Nazis in May Day parades. Boycotted by many workers.

Trade union buildings occupied by SA. Leaders arrested, property and funds seized, organisations dissolved.

All SPD property seized.

All KPD property seized.

bands grow in strength a ad intensify their attacks on the workers' movement.

But if the proletariat, with • its greater social influence (due to its economic position within society) stands firm and answers the fascists blow for blow, then fascism can be crushed and the petty-bourgeois won over to the side of the working class, enabling an all out struggle to be waged against the bourgeois order itself.

Determined resistance to fascists is as important when they are a tiny minority as when they are a mass movement.

TESTIFIED The Nazi leader Goebbels has testified to this truth when, in his book, Kampf um Berlin he wrote: "If the enemy had known how weak we were, it would probably have reduced us to jelly ... it would have crushed in blood the very beginning of our work."

And Hitler himselt agreed: "Only one thing could have broken our movement-if the adversary had understood its principle and from the first day had smashed, with the most extreme brutality, the nucleus of our new movement." (Speech to the Nuremberg September 3. 1933)

But in order to launch such an offensive it is necessary to have a correct policy, revolutionary programme to defeat fascism-and that is precisely what neither the KPD nor the SPD possessed.

The November 6 elections proved to be the last "free" elections of the Weimar Republic: within months the republic itself was to disappear forever. •SOCIAL ;ENERAL' : I-. von Papen replard as Chanvor Schleicher on This from the Nazis.

In this he failed miserably, and after only 57 days he too resigned. On January 30, 1933 Hindenburgwhom the SPD had helped to power as a "lesser evil" than Hitler -appointed Hitler Chancellor of a coalition cabinet in which von Papen was Vice Chancellor.

Trotsky had characterized the regime's of Bruning, Papen and Schleicher as regimes of "preventive They were 'Bonapartist' because they balanced themselves precariously between the camps of proletarian revolution and fascist counter-revolution; they were "preventive"-because at that stage the bourgeoisie were still hoping that such regimes could prevent the need for a full-blooded fascist takeover.

MOBILISATION

With Hitler's appointment as Chancellor, however, Trotsky recognised that this Bonapartist stage was coming to a close. But Hitler had not yet fully consolidated his rule, and in two articles written in february 1933, Trotsky called for an all out mobilisation of the workers in a life-or-death struggle against the fascists.

But his exhortations met with silence. The SPD leaders rejected any "provocative" actions against Hitler's "Constitutional" appointment.

The KPD, true to form, denounced the SPD as the main enemy one minute, called for a general strike the next, and made preparations to go into hiding the next.

Meanwhile Hitler was preparing for a final consolidation of his rule. He got Hindenburg to dissolve the Reichstag again and to call new elections for March 5.

BANNED

And to ensure that the elections would take place in a proper atmosphere, he banned all KPD meetings and shut down its press.

He finally managed to gain control of the Prussian police. and looding it with his get or troopers orace he 3000? :: SPD meetings.

In addition, the Nazis started a fire in the Reichstag on February 27, 1933 and blamed it on the Communists. President Hindenburg responded swiftly by suspending all scutions of the Constitution relating to freedom of speech and assembly.

Thousands of KPD and SPD otficials were arrested, and in the last weeks betore the March 5 •terror elections" • only the Nazis and the nationalists were allowed lo iampaign.

10e 2.:: with all the forces of the state at his disposal, Hitler failed to secure an absolute majority.

On March 23 Hitler asked the Reichstag for dictatorial powers; the Reichstag consented by 441 votes to 84. Only the Social Democrats voted against; all the Communist deputies were either in prison or in hiding.

But the opposition put up by the SPD was purely parliamentary, and before they too were finally outlawed they were to demean themselves even further.

On May Day 1933, the Social Democrats called on their followers to march in Hitler's "National Day of Labour" parade; on May 2 the Nazis took over the trade union movement.

But despite this, on May 17, the Social Democrats decided by 48 votes to 17 to support Hitler's foreign policy! The fact that another 55 SPD delegates were in hiding or in jail did not seem to make any difference.

On June 22 1933 these traitors themselves were suppressed.

The KPD were not to be outdone in self-abasement, however. On March 5 the Executive Committee of the Communist International dumped-without explanation-its "social fascist" line and called on its parties to seek anti-fascist united fronts with Social Democratic parties.

Such mornentary, though; or a miceth later, on April the ECCI delivered this truly astonishing judgement to the wor kers of the world:

"Having heard Comrade Heckert's report on the situation in Germany, the presidium of the ECCI states that the political line and the organisational policy followed by the CC of the Communist Party of Germany with Comrade Thaelmann at its head. up to the Hitlerite coup. and at the completely correct."

(Documents of the Communist International, ed. Degras, Vol III.

After 5 March, Trotsky called on his followers in the German section of the International Left Opposition (ILO) to abandon their perspective of reforming the KPD and to start instead the arduous task of building a new revolutionary party there.

In July 1933, Trotsky was forced to put forward a similar policy with regard to the Communist International. For not only had the ECCI statement of April 7 sought to cover up the fatal policy pursued in Germany, but in addition not one section of the Comintern had objected to that policy or to the ECCI statementeven after the events had exposed its utter bankruptcy and fraudulence.

RESPONSIBLE

This meant, Trotsky argued, that the Comintern as a whole was responsible for what had happened in Germany. The Left Opposition must abandon the perspective it had maintained since its foundation of reforming the International and must work for the construction of a new, revolutionary Fourth International.

This position was adopted by a ›enum of the ILO on August 3, 1933. lo symbolize the change oi policy, the ILO changed its name to the International Communist League (Bolshevik Leninists).

The founding conference of the Fourth International itself was held in September 1938.

In the Transitional Programme of the Fourth International Trotsky draws out the cardinal lesson of events in Germany. The defeats of the workers in Paris in 1871 and in Russia in 1905 were, he wrote, purely physical defeats, "conditioned by the relationship of forces". But events in Germany were without parallel. There, "The German proletariat was not smashed by the enemy in battle. It was crushed by the cowardice, baseness, perfidy of its own parties."

(Folrose edition, p. 31).

In these articles we have focused precisely on this aspect of the struggles Germany-the criminally insane and suicidally mistaken policies which led to the destruction of the best organised workers' movement in the world at that time-rather than trace the genesis of the Hitlerite movement itselt.

WEAKNESS For it was not the strength of the Nazi i lovement, but rather the weakness of the leadership of the workers movement, which put Hitler in power and which paved the way for the concentration camps, the gas chambers and the slaughter of World War II.

In comparison to Hitler, Mussolini was to appear a mild, almost humane fascist.

Fascist dictatorship, Karl Radek once wrote, is the iron hoop with which the bourgeoisie tries to patch up the broken barrel of capitalism.

As world capitalism is once more thrown into crisis, it is to be expected that it will again stretch out its hand for the hoop of fascism. But in 1933 the hoop was put on only with the assistance of Social Democracy and Stalinism.

To avoid a repetition of those cvents, we must learn the lessons and construct a mass revolutionary party, capable of smashing capitalism-hoop, barrel and all.

After Hitler the alternativesucialism or barbarism-is gis" very concrete meaning. i hich are in • :

Fascism in Ge dies. be read with Robert Blains:" volume study Fascism in (reri which exhaustively traces :::2 origins, ideology ete of Nazisn 25 well as analysing the policies:: KPD and SPD Anothe: account is Daniel Guara U1 2 Bi :. :

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demoralising spectacle of the KPD working jointly with their avowed