Dur Policies Fore Workers Defence Suuaus

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Mass demonstration last year against racialist attacks in Southall. Marches like this were the first in which masses of immigrant workers and youth were mobilised against fascism, creating a real possibility of workers defence squads.

•Engels defined the proletariat is an imperative concomitant element to its struggle for liberation'.

Transitional Programme As the class struggle sharpens the workers" movement comes under physical attack from two directions.

The state has, for the purpose of repression, trained armed bodies of men (the army, the police) whose job it is to protect the property of the ruling class.

Trained

The recent trend towards use of the armed forces as strike-breakers in industrial disputes (firemen, air traftic controllers) is only a few steps away from the use of these forces as direct agents of repression, a role for which they have been thoroughly trained over the eight years occúpation of Northern Ireland.

At the same time we can see the expansion of special units such as the Special Patrol Group whose job it is to provide the sharp cutting edge in battles between the police and the working class.

The most recent example of the special role of the SPG was, of course, the attacks on the Grunwick picket lines on November 7th.

Self defence

At the same time the fascists are stepping up their physical attacks on the black community, socialist organisations and the workers' movement generally.

To deal with these attacks lne workers movement must adopt a policy of self-defence.

In his book Teamster Politics Farrell Dobbs outlines the methods used by the American Trotskyists of the 1930's to defend their trade unions against fascist threats.

The Trotskyists were then in the leadership of Local 544 of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Minneapolis.

Local 544 had led number of sharp battles with the employers some of whom were now encouraging the fascist Silver Shirts of America' to start a campaign in the city.

In August 1938 in response to this threat, Local 544 decided to organise a defence force. From the start this was seen as being based on the widest possible "The guard was in no sense an elite body. It was simply a businesslike formation open to any active union member. The only requirements for inclusion in its ranks were readiness to defend the unions from attack, willingness IO taKe He liccessary training for that purpose, and acceptance of the democratic discipline required in a combat unit.

'Moreover, its activities were conducted only with the consent of the membership of the trade unions involved, and under their control.

'As in the case of Local 544 itself, the guard functioned democratically in its internal affairs. Steps taken to carry out its assigned tasks were decided through open discussion and majority vote. This procedure was also used in selecting leaders who were to have command authority during any combat.

•.. structurally the body was divided into small units to facilitate rapid mobilisation in the event of a surprise attack on the union movement: Squads of five were the norm, with a member of each squad being designated captain. In a relatively short time the force thus organised was built up to about 600'.

Intelligence unit

Individual members contributed arms to the force; drill sessions and lectures on laulies lu ue ustu di ugulusg fascists were held, and an intelligence unit was set up to keep track of the fascists' movements.

A section of the guard dispersed one fascist meeting and followed this up in the union newspaper Northwest Organiser with propaganda The Minneapolis Workers Defence Guard designed to scare the fascists off.

So well organised and strong was the defence guard that a public display of force was enough to keep the fascists out of Minneapolis:

...an emergency mobilisation of the defence formation was called at one hour's notice. Only three people knew what was up. As part of the test all others were left with the impression that a real crisis had developed. By the designated assembly time, just sixty minutes after the first call went out, about 300 members of the guard had turned out ready for actionan impressive performance'.

The mobilisation was held on waste ground in full view of the Minneapolis population who could see that Local 544 meant business when it came to fighting fascists.

- Wider sections Some months ago a sharp rise in racist attacks in Britain led to important developments within the black community. Many of the youth broke decisively with the traditional policy of demanding police protection against the racists and set up their own defence organisations.

The WSL welcomed this development but argued the need to extend the base of these groups to wider sections of the workers' movement.

'We of course, support the right of immigrant workers to defend themselves in whatever way necessary against racist and fascist attack. But we also have a political responsibility to attempt to direct these self-defence groups towards calling on the strength of the organised labour movement as a whole so that the most united class attack .can be launched I BALTICE ULEFIEE against fascist provocation and violence.

If the black workers and youth have been the first target of the fascists, picket lines and trade union meetings wil be next. Fascists have already attacked meetings on Ireland.

"WOL members and supporters in the areas affected must therefore propose at their union branches, trades councils and Labour Parties that a fight is waged for workers' defence squads organised jointly between immigrant and trade union organisations.

*Where possible we must fight for this within immigrant organised defence squads by attending as delegates from the trade unions and arguing that they unify with trade union bodies, particularly trades councils, their fight against fascist attacks'.

Socialist Press 37 In this way we avoided PHOTO: Andrew Wiard, Report Police ch mechanically counterposing non-existant workers' defence squads based on trade unions to the living organisations developing out of a real Our policy is to demand the labour movement defends itself and other oppressed sections from fascist and state. attacks.

We see the necessity of confronting the conservative trade union leadership at a national and local level.

But we do not wait for the trade union bureaucracy when attacks are taking place. We help organise and support such defence formations as emerge in the living struggle.

As the trade union bureaucracy begins to lose its grip over the class, workers will face increasing battles with fascists, hired scabs and the forces of the state.

If the workers' movement Polin uran is not to be smashed, defence squads must be organised.

There is no blue print for their development. What we can say is that the most likely basis will be picket -lines which in a situation of sharp conflict will need to be well organised and drilled.

Workers fighting to defend themselves must reach out to local trade unionists and seek to form a permanent defence squad drawn from the whole area and responsible for the defence of all under attack.

The scale of attacks at present make the emergence of workers' defence organisations on a mass scale unlikely.

Those that do arise will, in periods of less attacks, tend to die out.

This does not mean that we cease advocating workers' self-defence. For we .. start from the understanding that further attacks will come and any example of workers' self-defence will hold important lessons for future clashes. ear route for fascists in Lewishar The Transitional Programme combines defence of the workers' standards of living, their organisations and democratic rights with the need to go on the offensive against capitalism-to destroy it and replace it with socialism.

The demand for workers' defence squads starts both from the need for the working class to protect itself from its enemies and also to prepare itself for the necessary armed struggle against a capitalist class which will not leave the stage of history without using all the force at its disposal to protect its interests.

The struggle for workers' defence squads now lays the basis for the emergence of a workers' militia in the future.

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