Dcialist Reject Bosses Market
Socialist Press1975 1975-05-29Read it in the scan (PDF), scan page 1 →
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The Common Market is a regroupment of the European employers against the working class. It is a trading block, created by European capitalists in order to compete more effectively with other sections of capital, and to do this by increasing the exploitation of the European working class. It was set up in 1957, in the boom period, and incorporated the European Coal and Steel Community which started in 1952.
Jenkins and Whitelaw jointly campaign for the Market Recent developments, such as bringing Britain in and the creation of a tighter common tariff and trade policy, are directly related to the new conditions created by the ending of the boom, the sharpening of the world crisis of capitalism and the requirements of the employers which flow from this - to substantially reduce the living standards of the working class.
By the creation of such a block, the ruling class hope to use their strength internationally against a working class which is imposing defeats on imperialism all over the world. In Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos imperialism has been ended. In Europe the working class are on the offensive and have ended 50 years of fascism in Portugal anc 9 years of military dictatorship in Greece.
STRENGTH
This same strength could be seen in France in 1968 when the working class through mass strikes and occupations had power within its grasp. In Czechoslovakia the same year, workers resisted the tanks of the Soviet bureaucracy. In 1969 Italy was paralysed by mass strikes.
The events in France, in particular, were looked upon by every capitalist government with great tear- they were saved only by the betrayals of Stalinism. The governments of France which followed and were influenced by the revol utionary threat posed by these events, are now the dominant political force in the EEC.
It is because the Common Marke is such a basic class issue, involving the history and the future of the European working class, that we urge every worker to wage an all-out struggle for a NO vote on June 5th.
These basic political questions involving the EEC must be spelled out now because the campaign against the market is placed in great danger by the refusal of the Labour 'lefts' to fight. Let us look back briefly at their record:
First, on March 26th, the 'lefts' of the Tribune group refused to press for a decision of the National Executive of the Labour Party (where there is a majority against the Market) to commit the party apparatus to the campaign for a NO vote. Even after 2 to 1 support for a NO vote at the Labour Party special conference they still refused to fight this through.
This was the major decision of the campaign. It meant that the party machine was neutralised (which would have had enormous influence in the working class, had it been used) whilst Wilson could speak witt the authority of Government. On top of this unlimited finances were being made available to the pro-Market campaign from business sources.
Next, on April 9th, only Heffer out of 38 ministers who had declare themselves against the Market, was prepared to speak against Wilson in the Commons debate. When Heffer was sacked the Tribunites took no action in his defence - leaving it at the level of an individual protest.
Then on May 18th, at a crucial stage in the campaign, Benn made the claim that 500,000 of the current unemployed are directly attributable to Common Market membership. This provided the perfect diversion for Wilson to use. The capitalist press and the pro-Market campaign have concentrated on it ever since.
We are not saying of course that the Common Market is not creating unemployment - it clearly is. The Common Market is a part of the world crisis of capitalism and therefore cannot be separated fror all attacks on the working class, including unemployment.
BENN
Benn gives Wilson ammunition because he ignores this and tries to treat unemployment simply as a European issue. This protects Wilson who is busy creating unemployment through the budget and cuts in public spending, as a weapon against the working class. Beni is also keen to make unemploymer a mainly European issue because he accepted Wilson's budget, and therefore attempts to divert away from his own role in creating unemployment in Britain.
In peality, of course, all these issues - the budget, public expenditure, Ryder, British Steel redundancies, are all intimately connected with EEC membership.
Benn is not the only one who car separate crucial issues. Jack Jones whilst making speeches against EE( membership, attacks workers who are defending their standard of living and calls for wage restraint in the national interest.
Jones goes on to make proposals which could have far reaching implications. He made a call for nationally negotiated flat rate increas es, negotiated between the TUC and the CBI. His proposal not surprisingly was promptly supported by Wilson and the CIl itself.
Therefore Jones, who calls for withdrawal from the EEC, advocat in all other respects policies which are entirely in line with the require ments of the employers in Britain. In fact his proposals may well be used by Wilson as ground work for attempting to introduce some kind of statutory wage control after the referendum.
The fight against the EEC therefore cannot, and must not, be separated from the situation which the working class will have to face immediately after the referendum. The employers are not separating.
continued back page FORTNIGHTLY PAPER OF THE WORKERS SOCIALIST LEAGUE NO 9 * MAY 29th 1975 * 10p Postal