The Spartacist School of Invention

Page 29

The Spartacist School of Invention By Adam Westoby and Bob Sutcliffe ne uc igr "... all the causes, human and divine, that influence all the causes, huma rb the counsels of a ong the sectaries a spi in the course of a models of religion, the Church and div theologi t of disc ow year ind

AVE

52.8 = uenci intro nstan ihteer niate (Gibbon, Decline and Fall) The pur istortion, and to ur onest and objecti rotskyist movemen i sketch some of t ence gained by Trot Front' type blocs. A fundamental revolutionary politic division between the 1 sierline, the re approac t. A second he importa skvists in t te the the / purpos tactical struggle s to 00tt mportance history of the e, in so doing, is electoral experi- against Popular ect of revolutionary politics, is the need to draw a clear political division between the interests of the working class and the DrIncip is the terest in sierlying to draw he work e tactics a clear polit ng class and those consid succed organi Varx bureaucrats within the labour movement who trample on interests. For long periods the erable sway within the labour d in tying a great many workers sations with the politics of class put it, the ruling ideas in society ar vero trampic on sureaucrats hoki movement, and within the mass compromise. As e largely ideas of dent interests of ti and material task. strong and persiste to avoid them. The aries is towards cer to the politics of Insofar as centrisi strangles independ its pract as par which the ruling class. Thus the struggle to draw political divisions T, tV 10320a in class is a d Faced with it nt temptation main pressure strism-that is, the bureaucra n becomes a revolutiona eft' par bore shal LIVISIOns indland lifficult, complex, uphill s difficulties, there is a to look for a short cut this exerts on revolution- vacillation which adapto and the ruling class. ardened tendency i politics and renders the politica t with of anothe dir organisatio class, to se simple, "pr possible to on paper unscathed as though course, jus Such sectarian as a guid prove, or gence of untenable they can principles them. This article of independent electoral aspects a simplified International elections. It workers part which the bureaucracy tries to control workers.

ucracy To essure ec. ion. Ther s als ns struggling on th ek solutions merely incipled formulae, o solve the probiems: white leaving the Often such fo lac to compensat the opposite formulae are roups-that is to action in t paper, the exe one particuar cl such a formula gather tor it, st l excommunica ont for o wor snort temptati periphery forms of universal indepenc bureaucr assume a wir conta Ker cut ca tad it on, specially for of the working words. Devising application, it is ent class politics ats, in cality. very left form nt-which is oi Such formulae are not infrequently thought up by =22 24 2 3= hose e ma impla ique. is, ti ior equently thought up by r whom theory exists not movement but simply to 'revolutionary" intransi- ar such groups, the more better. The less support r their scope for issuing those who disagree with they can gather for it, the wider their scope for issuing principled excommunications of those who disagree with no wa of it form Sparta s always es who sncerne ig-class id with the Tenc incil st el 'tormula'-the with the politics, one attemy position lency (iSt) sled, e iSt ectio th but taken only with by inciple with it to the Page 30

or similar coalition bloc with bourgeois parties. Workers' similar guard "The struggle hometonna coalt prono fund for • Mh *The fundamental line of Marxist politics is the amenta workin I line g-class Marxist independe ionary forens politics s nee from are small, they who follow the support to the o the capitalist parties are part e Union of the is suppressed; the aims to represent the with a section of the ices it is unprincipled popular front, even to of reformist or centrist in the case of informal hen the reformists prop ment without formally Lead article on French rd, 11 Maren 197 revolutionaries to such situations- ans, in 1945-46 1976 hen the the bourgeoisie. When the revolutionary forces are small, they ins hearine from the wake can coolt mass reformis latters candid: parties. But w el of E parties by giving cr ites running in opposi then the bourgeois wo a popular front, such contradicition within t ialist pretensions and c are nullified by allying auch circumcta and parc Left, the reformist working class houmanicio class s' sOC itical tion rker those candidates who are members workers" parties. The same is true or disquised "corridor coalitions' w bourgeois governments in parlia to call for votes to the bourgeois a coalition. 1l Workers Vangua clearly recuir mass parties 1 the recent • ant; in Ita Christian coalition. 'principle" the iSt has not hesitated-at least as far as present-day policies are concerned-to issue the appropriate member of ricipal elections, This principle" to the France Popula s to s pre St npl

VOIL

e, In 1935 enise Brita 10. 1 nail In tied = 3205=8 the ly in Dem And alie "prin pr ex sas esIt ay excommunications. po cations agrapi late int misconceptions as it does sentences. We shall return to it.

wi since it states a principle" which the iSt has repeatedly insisted upon. But two points must be made here: Firstly, it hangs everything on the formal, overt side in claiming that the key question is a coaliton electoral pact.

The fact is that, electoral coalition or not, all the mass nts :to Stalinist and reformist parties are walking coalitions, whose leaderships are thick with purely capitalist politicians. A tri eforn • thic mere ex pa wait re watt ly ca Saci all th malitions litic sh ip rice an gives ssion. TI to enter tar lIS par ans ar, expl hange ti itue class characteristics to enter a coaliton, It is not true that Koral ass ith gerous pre ics Aal lite th tIOn they ship: is WIt pol ones. Signature of an actora pact are sin them is suppressed", any more e Prentice. Mavhew and their ilk gnatur 1 then Prent positi suppressed, e Mayhew and hat everyt I 'parliamen ha he m he rally limi na contradic it is wher er leacer toral deals consonant sing class's liamentary Seco stances this fights agains give, as one without the they couldn to tie the n tarism and tionarie the bur , in refusing osition cuts coalitions. of the mair to allow a vot ind ny circum revolutionare off politica, he reformists and Stalinists often justifications for coalition. that some bourgeois parliamentarians.

uppor have ses 10 thmet ofte s fi t of sufficient stren class collaborat ic. Under these powerfully combine i to release the stre the bourgeoi par isely this by cal candiciates, but t genis pol ia ral plar eaucrat class ar tactics vote fo tions t wedge aimed r the re yvo wedge into their electoral plans.

ith. They i ion throug circumstat their t gth ot on hereby seek › parliamen. Ices, revolu lemand that the working lectora' kers to instru driv I024 3 Se very policy was, in st days of the whose work T uation, n the el tact, adopted by Tro 1935 Popular Front rotsky was then closely invo nd had just such a policy.

ctions of 1945 and 1946, n frather than just suppo ists from ench ved- They when (ting) xi jus simil Com saIcn ar tact munist sent a sit

COVE

The howeve sectior is obl ogeth yed to r with cannot be principle' through ign the hi he 85 = = 58 the oral con facts about experience form to the they thes that , since eir no d thi al ent It is nece look at 935. To hamm ste

NOT

sa Tre cord it. iar F which was was here the Trotsky- ards Stalinist parties with the Dou geoisie. (male) voters of each by two rounds of voting nd, candidates were only majority of all votes cast.

s dec I on the second is elected. sat but

HOUS IS

delibe itskyi rate concealment rate mOV emE Let formed ists first standing as In French e SSaI the y to put French le exte: tactics ectoral n 1935 mbe rou ute

SOI

the strai part lectc y electi ered of iral out an ek aw eek On hey ha wever, n the mc irst bso

ISU

if t Often,, however, the result was decided on the second round, when the candidate with most votes was elected.

Ofte

TOLT

Cand whe cand id ides most Ve standı large at the mously stes, ant at the first round. Also it bred many agreements, local and second uch a syste if minor p agre rties sund. he 193! itween roun irties, to wi til nber st round betweer 's faut any one another's favour at the second round.

lecte al, 101 urely 1sal sec cand only agre ladicals. Loct first round,. th the high bi the

2 WILTO!

couraged especiall , local an their aw alar Soc sond first ists and int stood, and the others directed their supporters to vote for nent the It c it apport 2l) in Il oDe rS ac stior te nicipal elections (which were run on essentially the same sciples) in May 1935, while the common programme was y finalised in July. ogran ction May li nme only finalised in July. ame One of the main purposes of the Popular Front, from the point of view of the French bourgeoisie and the was tie rev. ationary pol at whic the French though, during most o within the Socialist Po propoganda was contir parliamentary means sation, especially in Socialist forming The lenast the • boury : working class to ies. And this was 1 Trotskyists aimed 1935, they were. and its youth t directer seed lan he danger e-even facti arganisat fat the inad Tor revolutiona against fascism. Th the Trotskyists defence bodies tur their backs on definite tactics. As to vote for the Com ion. Th equacy ry mob rough t : a lead DrI eir ously parliamentary means and the need for revolutionary mobili- sation, especially in the fight against fascism. Through the Socialist youth, for example, the Trotskyists gave a lead in Socialist candidates on both the first and if one of them stood the second round, but to refuse to vote for a radical il. 0 EX and training wo y did not contrary, y called or candidate your. • On the rule the Socialist stood the second on the second rou Socialist Co general 1 ning X'St hey elections. a general munist or L.even munist asınca Pr Ere withdrew , consistent nda cand wh refuse to he was it = 18 vote for a radical if Tead and the favour This e Trot yists certai cor

SLIN

he

document (1). There is no doubt that Trotsky followed them and eea with their essentials (2). The tactics were first used the municipal elections of May 1935, In the Aprii-May 1936 general election, which brought the Popular Front government to office, they ran several - their own candidates on the first round, especially in red belt around Paris. But in other constituencies and the second round they called for votes to the CP or where they stood. They regarded these policies as an ob their struggle to break the masses from th tactics flowed directly from those of the early years, which gave electoral support cratic parties, whether or not headed for that would help win the rank-and-file from of the Trotskyist candidates, Fred Zelle matter of course in the constituency wher the second round, naturally, we gave our candidate of the CP" (3).

vious element in eir leaders. Such Comintern in its to social demo coalition, where the leaders. One r, recalls it as a e he stood: "On votes to Grenier.

TROT

current wit n the French comes tron Revolution o months beft e the elections The Trotskyists, it explains: •... summon their constituents to SFIO (Socialist Partyl and SFIC candidates... excluding any vote for other candidates participating in the vote for SFIO and SFIC candidates, workers themseives will experience wavering of such candidates" (5).

The GB L's letter concluded treasonably enough, shall see) that the Spartacists' "position is clearly op to Trotsky's. Indeed, according to your statements o problem, Trotsky himself would have been excluded

SK YISM TO

movement (4). I February 28th, which brought BI

JULY 1978.

The passage 1936, two im to office to divert their votes (Communist Party) radical, republican or *F. While calling for a we shall explain that the treachery and as we posed n this from The iSt ho point of view o parties in an el For they mean entire French Trotsky, must 1 unavoidable im Fourth Interna basis a record tal line of Marx wever f their : ectoral that, in Trotsky se judgec plication tional, at il persiste ist politics. 3a09.392 to bury ple of r they are ¡of such ovement roughly the ist: foundati pportuni: almost cisely Lenini attack pointi the oc 1930s a pass the fo hat is more two years, a this point. In st Group' IGB on the out t : iSt luct o Trotsk : GE cited fron Revola wOr rom th tsk egardes Ices Tro ppe rm XOti 6 th to ne voti principle' y and the various iti tion. ti e Se I as sCiali the most h lacts. From tre ste, ever, for mass hly inconvenient rinciple, both tre 1935-1936, incipled'. It rinciple' ha sad bui in n 'the f via nen concealer for o them on pre Italian Bolshevik protesting at thei he Italian CP. an inconsistent witt. Trotskyists in the vidence, inclucins. st ser sased o DU sganisations id forthright Trotsky 1. On their electoral tactics in the May 1935 municipal elec- di tions (held just as Soviet diplomacy was reaping the first popular front by neg • Trotskyists' paper L 5, plus discussion bel veral elections, see t otskyiste en France (F trois Points c'est to • plus discussion and e is any difficulty in he Trotskyists suppe th lectoral tactics L iust as Soviet fruts o Francel 31st Mi the 19: Mauven Zeller, pp138 below. mony. Socialis 58 8== that ! reason lies in much for grai he ed le Mav lomacy 935 1un vas reapi tiating a Verite of w. On th eaux, 19711 ng the pact 19th a line an 157 (PaNs 1976.. ional sources ng direct testi votes for the ar Front, the the position st out 2I1) ris. Trotskyists supported votes for the mir BUSTS In th lact hat that they the selt lom Popi ti al-

HISCLICEN

centrist group round Molinier broke away and publisheri 2 mg 9 Bolshevik-Leninist Group (GBLland in the Revolution- rist gros commun lop as 1 sevik-Le ound The m basis Gr prok wh encl Llan istinc away and p h Trotsky soud ish ht to

THIS

section I in the WOrE Revol he hon- Social

DYI

of

I0 UDE

he (St

IJSR I

neral • mar ›cial ogeth electio rgani from mocr ran c the he G ional oup Molir sation baser work in the atic Young andicates in Molinierists BL and JSR leadership's to form the sier himself tine federation icialists. The GBL e April-Mav 1936 of the (Social Democratic] Young 59 2 50 candidates. in i fused, then (w reunited with ate May ith the i the Mol 193 ntert inier tough, was expenco in July 1950 for trying to exer financial pressure on the party, nd his followers wor ancial analse WOrKI was expelled Pressure on Irs in the ranty July 1 party. 936 and WEn BIn. See letter from GBL to St of 29 Socialist Appeal (USA), Jan. 1 aule to cursu therefore not lation The diver their wher T June 978. 1976, publish We have not a quoted and passage or its 1 sir constituen cond round v i iF rst He issue or nevourse been able to check the xpression 'summonthe stes clear refers to se tskyists ra andidates i ed in been have See Zeller freemason Zell 4. See, for example, his Critical Remarks on Revolution (9th Dec. 1935) in The Crisis of the French Section movement was split in this period. In December 1935 the See, for (9th Dec. (1935-36) 1977), Pp. 5 on Frei 3 cem 110-113. 8=81 The the Page 32

iSt." It di took acc it. On ti amateuri and to c the Tro through For groups i section yes not ount of le conti sh and antinue (skyists their pr exampl n Franc of the appear that he the elementary ary they appear inconsistent -ta to deny the fact in the 1930s inciple. e, in October 977 e (the Ligue Commi USFl, and the Orga iSt published this letter points of fact contained to have made attempts circumvent the evidence, that the actual conduct of drove a coach-and-horses For example, in October 1977 they wrote attacking they wrote attackir miste Revolutionair nisation Communis Internationaliste (OCI)) tor favouring general election votes to the Communist and Socialist Parties:.. in both cases what we have is a veiled call for the election of a popular front government. This is hardly a new political orientation in France. For a brief period in the mid - 1930s it was taken up by the French Trotskyists under the slogan of a "Fighting Popular Front", later abandoned under Trotsky's sharp criticisms. "(7) French Trotskvists line of votes for the workers' parties Throughout 1935 and 1936 he followed both nationa French politics and the work of the French Trotskyists, producing a considerable volume of writing on both topics (9). During the first half of 1935, he was in France, His Diary in Exile of May 1935 shows him analysing the signifi- cance of the municial elections for the left! Radicals and their bloc with the CP and SP (10). The international ace. valosen. •hear alantion bloc chin with the CP an asking the victories? fallen into municipali Durin ample, and the mationa SP a How your ties?' 7 19 carrie nd CP leaders will you util lap in the for "(11) 35, t , "What will you do with these ise this great force which has m of so powerful a network af Trotskyist press regular reports on F French section than America, fo rench politic on any othe thus Pacier inco ship nceivable were no am thair

19II00 084I08

hat Trotsky a niliar with arantion. nd the And he inter electora whe thei 'sharp found. Work w. or tave toral polici iticise 1, wh hind the ai ard art f wrat 1 lor doe CauSed histor offers no de rotskyists ba I say where Ti im to do so, 1 omniscience, al COnVeRTeT The provided of whose precisely for votes said, was USec and tiated." ( The polemic. evidence they wot The explanation of this vagueness was inadvertently issue o

USFI

el then ties in a clain ist revis my vague explanation of by a more recent articles attacked this issue: "Mand for workers' par Trotsky's policy. other ex-Trotsky iSt If of leness was inadver f Workers' Vanguard, leader Ernest Mande said the USec called : popular fronts which i frequently made by ionists but never subs we have Workers' 'sharp citi we feel si noticed, is not giv Vanguard actuall cism' of these posi ire, have produced an contenting the suke that his claim inference is that th riticisms", and are sir to 'su istantiate' be sot i knew of ar sto, ratl ore mod e reason such 'st act it is Đt that dence able dou ser th est ret able arp c easy Frots to reticence in possessed any ns by Trotsky. against Mandel elves with the not substantia possess no evi y bluffing. d any rea: greed with on th Tound no indication wadi published at the time or thos they criticised the line of vote When Trotsky did com ce, he did so in terms 1 cuch votes. Commentir found no indication whatsoever (in either materials that were then internat) s for the workers' parties.

ment on electoral tactics in hat clearly assume agreement ia on the May 1936 general hat Fran with elect agait wher criticises the adicale on the cocond round in constituencies e the Cc ticism v ble) exc munists The clair tactics therel and the ist evidence-or apol gis asser ior & cri ceivE Com mmunists and ould be meanir opt on the bas and Socialists n that Trotsky are flies in the nust at this: alternatively bolstering ocial gless is of whe made face tage wi ts ists have with frawi (and such a actic electoral su; sort re they did stant 'sharp criticisms' c of the available be asked to pr th draw e clai pr nciple with 38= , such incon or the (13). hese In fact tf cisms of their t feared it might On the eve of th elections, the T first immediate the Stalinists: " encl actics- disrupt rotskyi object In the to skyıs it rom hei con round e paper 1 ', its ke ctoral ti ts d run into the alinists, trol over their f the May 193 a Verite spelt y electoral diff train itself, to sha crit who greatly supporters. 5 municipal out, as its erence with oppose any 6. Letter cited above. Lead ar icle Frerich Vanguard, 7th October 1977 Mandel Weaseis on Popt Vanguard, 12 May 1978, p. 10 On France in general, see Trot Mouvement Communiste en 1967, ed. Brouet and Whither on the French Trotskyists: section (1935-36) (New York, Diary in Exile (cd, van Heije 7 May 1935. (week 8 Weaseis on Popular Front', in Workers ad revolutionary working class candidates on the second ballot in all the electoral districts the Socialists and the Communists withdrew in the Radicals, they would, no doubt, have ol very considerable number of votes. It is unforti not a single organisation was to be found capab initiative." /Whither France?, p.126) (French law then made it easy to mount candidacies ev second round only. The Molinier group, which in June 1936, with Trotsky's cautious approval French section, hat in second round campaig bourgeois candidat obtaining modest sur 57 and 1 Terps Craipeaux, op.cit. 3rd May 1936)) Page 33 sky: Frant Frat The 1977 noor Writings, e. 1919 ice? (Lo. Crisis of 1935 1939 don. the 36, L (Paris, 1974): Erench 11. International Communist League press release, 17 May 1935, pristed in New Militant (New Yorkl, Ist June Inter 935, 935 kinted

IST

been run in which favour of stained a inate that le of such electoral en on the reunified , with the ns against icess (see April and:

enault plants, tha ep with Ramadier om the cabinet, in During 1945-1 actionary policies ives, speed-ups ar med restoration o ined to exploit t 10re2 with: record

TROT

t finally 's goverr the sprit 947. than id go I the he

SK Y

force iment ig on the Fre in the 19 vernment str French empir pes which ship, com! position t ed

ISM ]

d the , and 1947 nch 30%

ODAY, J

CP leader led to th in brea ustin the French CP had even more and P lea 3087 record is clearly documented.

iction id the deter ied i ppor The 3P leader Thorez 3 It Is (as they the OCI that the vote for Their cia in 1977 It is therefore dishonest of the iSt to represent matters 7." ticle bugh it was actoned the pact with be s principle* 950s.._. rej Trotsky characte fact that Trotsk ion on hei 1276 pres rend the C "like he of se during 197 policies) as th rotskyists abar any electoral tanding on thi PCI ir the 1 191 ly ai inci: geoi sent 20) 15 of th Surin never e par line t Interr place St car 02=022 B=03703552 25882 grammat false. it electoral time bef nised an iSt is, of Crucial Commit the mid grammatic continuity of Lenin and Trotsky" (20) is wholly false. It misrepresents the tactical character of the PCI's 02ic 10: incitinne anti that, coni rol kyist a Ic reci of t at t tiol his di iSt is, of course, a natural corollary of their line that the litical ich "pi cil ni ura degeneration stort larv E20= International Committee of the Fourth International took place only in the tiDI the mid 1960s i.e. at the time when the iSt came into separate existence. Ice. nts we behalf ince of Tha is lot pr the Trot 10 points we have made above about the polemics of the ist It goes (or should go) without saying that none of the 1av one say the thi IS! on behalf of their principle" should be interpreted as a be he

HOLES

Itacked em isn the Trotskyist movement or by inventing 'principles' which That is a different matter. The essential point is that it

MISSE

ifferen to ngo: moverni it or esst ort inventir EE: th 10 have no basis in its record or experience.

FERVIE

ICE

pri IC must, in any case, be more than simple rules of thumb.

Insertein Susanna. Delineating the independent interests of the working class, opposing these, in practice, to the class collaboration of the Delineati ng the indepen den C11E.50 terests o king c lass, in unt the mass movement and bureaucracy, is a scientific task, It requires a real study of the tent acles ideol

21 STERE

ogical organisationa whi ch the bureat crats scek line--at divide opposit needed capitalism. It is not possible to draw one simple, universal line-and still less a purely electoral one-which will neatly divide the working class from the bureaucracy. They are opposites; for this reason, they interpenetrate. Policies are needed which can engage with the day-to-day struggles IS 11 ess rkii purely class oral one-which will ne ie bureaucracy. They iterpenetrate. Policies the day-to-day strug OF WOrK organic its own Program t-that ers ant, in reactio is tt new lea me is abor sa school because nese rougt dershi: It. master the bu

STEROL

whicl •. Tha ,act as he class ish delusio reaucratic n to im leaders Cata n gat he 7

DUI E

if m as ne nd 1946 see the relevant issues of Ine Milt York, whose accounts are mainly basec On tie November 1946 election, the pos Verite was: *In those sections where th present its own candidates it calls upon vote for the workers' parties" (Quoted in 9th Nov. 1946). At the same time, the T similar tactics in Belgium (The Militant 23 ant (S Ion 2 ition 1 e PCI the w The ofsk Nov. WP. New a Verite. sut by La does not orkers to Militant vists har 1946 SC Sois Le Br Le Bolshe vik, 16 Nc ishevik su vik. Ma • 1977 p semes 977 me chary rotskyists, ont page icaues Du 21: los 1 etting nethel n / Hur a Radic into iss stu nanite Verite bate swift 1550 imm 1 he of ed *3351*: to a no l plied mme ents decic th Ducios, that he democrat, paper" (1 In th in int-page lear on al' "y whom ever I which he argu y thing point I-style sallot- that a bir Popu show Dage mus victe mair ite a big echo in the working class and might disrupt the Popular Front. The day after the first round results, which showed a huge increase in the CP vote, /'Hamanite's front- In the 1936 general elections, too, the CP were worried the 137 13 of in i ger reft the sing wol day race ele alt 3055! lor aclicals wor night disn und results Humonito! swor ald 1 ipt • wi frc rol The ine banner-slogan vote Socialist ry of the Popu line of CP proj lecade later was "Discipl or Radical) o lar Front!"* ( saganda right durins and ine e. Communit ntl second round 17). That message through the week. after the war the Trotskv DOes Dom S459 wil th nilar si tu ch he differen In the t ce that hree na CP minister tional electic s wer ins hi low in 1 he gover 1945 ant ment. 1946 the Trotskyist (reorganised in 944 the Parti Communiste In stood their or standing, they demanding tha politicians (18) and expantling their candidate strikes led by ternationaliste (PCI), rerunner o in candidates. But. here they called on workers a vote C t their leaders break with .In this period the PCI d basis of support, revealed s, which rose to 60,000 i Trotskyist car workers. f the OCI) were not Por SP. bourgeois eloped a firm the v te: for 1946. It was arting in the 25 e 10th May 1935. Deux Tactiques tat Duclos attacks ste for Radicals. sting for the CP a ould not have atta alicals *Tout the pur Apri r de in /'Humar them only Had they id SP, it is cked them ite. for been at inconcei on this t 21st May refusing! all e vable ather 935. Note support a uivocal on hat Duclos han on the ux lea their punctuation!!!, in La Verite, 31 May 1935.

le pouvo iSt may ictuation! il 1936 tails o availle draw Verite

COI

ay 19 evo 1,55 lut om 18. For details of the PCI's electoral policies in 1945 and

sign electoral pacts "the class contradiction within them is suppressed, the reformists' socialist pretensions and claims to represent the working class are nullified by allying with a section of the bourgeoisie" (211. Would it were sol In reality it is only because their "claims and pretensions" are not nullified, because millions of workers continue to look to them, that the bourgeoisie consents to ally with them at all One ons whace sinht is seriouslv impaired bv chalk.

dest could thin un. preach than to 1 them to tum tactics to expla as a ball and-ch. This is not holds, either: bureaucratised Trotskyists to k otherwise. And only those who prefer to ractice could devise a 'principle" that causes their backs on the problems of creating de the claims and pretensions' that still act in on the working class. to say, of course, that th that it is afways corre mass parties. Such the coat-tails of 1l e opposite principle ct to vote for the a position would tie bureaucrats. But it is ad.a. al sha Enawth worn recaling tat the o

CELLINI

International broke from the Comintern over the disastrously sectarian 'third period", which brought Hitler to power and fractured the back of the European working class. And one of the splitting policies for which the Trotskyists most vehemently attacked the Stalinists was their refusal to give electoral support to social democrats even though the reformists were in a pact with capitalist politicians (22). In electoral tactics, as in other matters, Trotskyism stands for objectively revolutionary policies which are not necessarily the same as positions that appear to be furthest to the left.

So tar we have spoken of the past the Trotskyist movement in an abstr flesh on these bones, take the F November 1945, when the CP was in both ran its own candidates in select called for workers to vote CP elsew candidates was a comrade Filiatre. H SWP's The Militant (23) is instructive "An electrical worker, he has had long experience in the class struggle. Joined the Young Socialists in 1913. As a socialist he supported the Zimmerwald conference. Partici- pated in the founding of the Communist Party in 1920.

Joined the Trotskyists in 1933. A prisoner of war in 1940.

he escaped in 1942 to join the underground work against the Nazis. Helped Hic and Widelin carry on revolutionary propaganda among the ranks of the German army. Arrested in 1943, he was tortured by the Gestapo for 17 days and then sent to Buchenwald concentration camp."

Possibly it is 'guilty workerism", as the iSt would have it, to admire such a comrade. If so we must plead guilty. It is, of course, possible to think he was wrong in the 1945 elections (though we do not). It is even permissible to argue that he suddenly succumbed to opportunist pressures. But what is not permissible is blandly to pass over his record and the positions he fought for. The simple fact is that, six months after leaving Buchenwald, comrade Filiatre, with a record that contained in one person the evolutionary traditions of three internationals was be ur ng a vote for electoral policies o act fashion. To put rench elections of government. The PCI ed constituencies and here. One of the PCI is life, sketched in the the CP in a popular front. If the Spartacists think unprincipled politics, they have a duty to say why.

Most sectarians, cutting themselves off from 1 lems of the workers" movement, have somethin Jesuit about them. The absolute 'principle' procli the Spartacists has no basis in the experience or 1 the Trotskyist movement. But it does serve factional purposes. Since it does not exist, they ha it necessary to invent it.

he p ecor obv ve fe obvious und Red Youth es1 campaigns Focan Tool employmen

SOCIALIST YOUTH

LEAGUE LAUNCHED

UT NOW!

The rst editio Red Youti. month paper of Sociali Youth Le: tin po ical symp: wi the WSL) Availabl from SY Dartmouth Park London, NWS IHR lus 7p p&p (for Jual copiest or CI a year's subscription (Regular Scist subscribers need only 60pl. the 31. Hill. or 5p ndiv- for The Workers Socialist League gu The Workers Socialist League is a Trotskyist organisation fighting to construct a principled revolutionary leadership in the working class in Britain and internationally and for the recon- struction of the Trotskyist Fourth Internation- al on the basis of the Transitional Programme.

The WL fights at every step against th existing leaders of the trade unions and th Labour Party-now firmly harnessed to th bourgeois politicians of the Liberal Party in a unspøken coalition arrangement.

Against neir poncies on cass c we put forward instead a progra points to the independeni class int working class, its need to organ dently to overthrow capitalism.

repressive state machinery and socialist planned economy.

Only in this way can worke problems of tumbling living unemployment, slashed socia national and sexual oppression For more details on the W fill in the form below Name... mme which erests of the ise indepen- destroy its establish a star I ser iolve dard vices oday's • mass racial 21. Workers" Vanguard, 11 March 1977, quoted above.

22. For the positions of the French Trotskyists in 1931, for For the xample, raipeau Report 945 rositio see op.ci •r PC ns of the pp. elec leadership statement quoted in ro sta rIsts ent 193 for 23. Report on PC electoral campaign, in issue of 3rd Nov.

Page 35 Add nio