Turkey: The Background to Today's Crisis (report endorsed by the WSL Second Annual Conference)

TURKEY:

The background to today's crisis 55 : HE E8x= our ct Worki our comrades in the class struggle in Turkey - was endorsed by the 2nd Annual Conference of the The following written report - which formed the preface to a report of the work carried out by he follo ades ¡ocia writter e class League. Economic and Po Crisis in Turkey The modern state urkey was set up in 1923 on ruins of an enormous imperialist power whose influe had stretched throughout North Africa, the Balkans and Arab world. Traditions of imperialist exploitation are ct inued today Kurdistan and Cyprus and can be seen in the degenerate racialism of the fascist National Action Party.

The national bourgeoisie under the leadership of Kemel Ataturk, which established this new state on the ruins of the old, was able for a time even to come into alliance with the new Soviet Union, and inspired generations of bour- geois revolutionaries up to and including Nasser.

Today this tradition is represented in Turkey by Bulent Ecevit's Republican People's Party, but it is no longer capable of playing the progressive role of the past. It expr esses the desires of the native bourgeoisie and petty-bour- geoisie. But they cannot operate independently without imperialism, without the forces of repression o without the increasing exploitation of the working class.

Capitalism in Turkey developed from outside by perialist intervention and has had a combined character development. Its economic dependence has brought itical World War, increasing dependence through Marshall Aid, held Turkey as of the Southern wing of NATO. A than native capitalism has played recent political and economic life of t The national bourgeoist has pport from the working clas n its exploitat But because urke political dependence upon imperialism. After the Second ns ol on US an impor nd imper the chief he countr continuc bid to ste : remain imperialism, tant member ialism rather role in the usly p up sought he rato Nected economy chained to west e national bourgeo e has been driven more an ore 1o seek alliances with alism. Its one-time pr essive role (continuously erred to by the Stalinists their pretext for subordinating working class interests the national bourgeoise) is over.

Bourgeois democracy as never fully functioned in this economically backward environment, The first 23 years of the 54-year old Turkish republic were under a Bonapartist one-party regime, and since then there have been two mili.

tary regimes (May 1960-March 1971) This background is important for present political and economic crisis in interrelationship between the imperialis capitalist risis and the IMF with th bourgeoisi is central to that crisis.

isi analys key. T wers, 1 urkish 088 of the ay the world national Imperialism exploits the world proletariat on an inter national level. For this reason the fall in the rate of profit and the desperate attempts by imperialist nations to raise profitability makes itself felt on two fronts. Firstly the imperialist nations increase the exploitation of their own working class--slashing living standards. And secondly, since the colonial and semi colonial countries are the source of raw materials and surplus value for imperia ism, the expl oitation in these countries is also intensified.

The general economic and political crisis talism is reflected with particular intensity colonial and colonial countries today, wi needing to impose ticularly sharp forms including Bonapart rule n conflic with ed ist in th of world the capit repre er: capi semi alism ssion and Page

peasants moving to forms of action which will not stop short at insurrection. Such developments have been seen within the last two or three years not only in Turkey, but also in Pakistan, Thailand, Egypt, Portugal and Spain.

The rising prices of commodities imported from the imperialist countries severely disrupts the economy of back- ward states, prompting balance of payments deficits, foreign currency crises and an attendant destruction of native industry. These countries have no option but to beg the IMF for loans to get through the crisis.

The main conditions laid down by the IMF are a reduc- tion in the rate of growth, a cut in domestic investment programmes, price increases, currency devaluation and further attacks on the working classes of these countries.

Since the main imports to these countries are manu- factured goods and investment materials, the destruction of local industries is one way the IMF proposes to reduce the balance of payments deficits. In other words, the economic crisis means more and more dependence upon the West.

The Turkish economic crisis is deepened by the added costs of the war in Cyprus, followed by the economic and arms embargo by the USA which has cut 30% of the Turkish budget. The latest figures tell the December 8th revealed: "The central bank of Turkey is now over $3.2 billion behind in transfer for imports. With 97% of Turkish imports being of semi-manufactures and investment goods, the problems with imports affects the whole economy...

These also create further problems in unemployment which now totals 2.4 million-16% of the labour force.

The balance of payments deficit is around $3.2 billion for 10 months of 1977. The average rate of inflation is 30%. The National Front coali was negotiating with the IMF the crisis. The IMF demanded more price increases; aband industry programme and a h and a wage freeze. Already the NF coalition has imposed a 15% devalua- tion and increased the price of state-produced goods by 140%. These measures produced a mere 85 million credit by the IMF. The rest of the conditions were scheduled to be implemented after the 11th December local elections.

Economic bankrupcy reflects itself also in the political arena. The coalition government prior to its fall was split from within. The ultra-Islamic right wing National Salvation Party of Erkaban was opposed to devaluation and to the dropping of the heavy industry programme for which they had campaigned. They also opposed any concessions on Cyprus as a precondition for the lifting of the US arms embargo. But far more than any bourgeois parties are concer ible massive offensive by th attacks of living standards the working class could be traced back to the period of the May 1960 military intervention against the US-backed Menderes government, which ended after 3 leaders of the Democratic Party (the predecessor of Demirel's Justice Partyl were hanged. Massive demonstrations took place and there was a rapid growth in trade unionism after the coup.

Growing militancy inside the trade unions and the need to develop this fight politically led to the formation of the Turkish Labour Party by trade unionists. The TLP found an immediate response in the working class and won 300,000 votes in the 1965 elections, with 15 MPs elected. In 1967 this was followed by a split in the Turk-IS (the yellow trade union confederation set up under the Marshall Plan's reorganisation of trade unions). The Revolutionary Workers Confederation, DISK, was formed in this split The bourgeoisie replied this growing strength by changing the legislation on trade unions and strikes.

Workers provided a sharp answer, In June 1970 thousands of workers joined an uprising which also attracted petty.

bourgeois layers from the student movement and the peasantry. A pre-revolutionary situation developed factories were occupied and workers engaged in armed battles with police. But the Stalinist and reformist leaders were the main enemy of these struggles. The TCP, TLP and DISK all acted to hold back the struggles by democratic demagogy. This betrayal was followed sharply by a military crackdown with curfews-first of all in the industrial cities, and then, in March 1971, complete military rule. Political parties and all democratic rights including the right to strike were suppressed. Hundreds were arrested by the bonapartist military dictatorship. After the balance of class forces had been shifted in favour of the bourgeoisie the military regime voluntarily left office and elections took place in 1973. The TLP had been outlawed. The old leader of the RPP, Inonu, was replaced by Ecevit, whose new 'democratic left' policies got a big response from the workers. During the ensuing RPP- National Salvation coalition the military courts remained in operation in 11 cities-controlling disputes and strikes.

The betrayals by Stalinist and reformist leaders continued during the next elections, with those leaders backing Ecevit's RPP and supporting the extension of the curfew and the 1974 Cyprus invasion, They voluntarily banned all strikes and raised funds from the working class to back the war effort. The escalating international economic crisis and the cost of the arms bill after the US embargo again forced the pace. Workers moved into struggle to improve living standards slashed by the 1971-75 wage freeze. In 1975 the RPP-NSP coalition collapsed as a result of divisions on the Cyprus question. The National Front coalition, which included the fascist party, took office.

Repression against the workers" movement increased, along with fascist attacks. The government attempted to introduce laws to continue the state security courts, only to be confronted by a 400,000 strong General Strike organised by DISK, which lasted for six days. The Stalinists set out from the beginning to confine this action to a 'democratic' protest gesture to back up parliamentary manoeuvres-but despite their efforts to block the action it succeeded in preventing the legislation passing through parliament. The NF government however remained in ofrice and thousands of strikers were victimised after the return to work.

The big bourgeoisie had taken this lesson and that very seriously. They began to rely more and more Page 37 story tion government until its fall for a $1 billion loan to tackle a 31% devaluation of the lira; onment of the entire heavy alving of the rate of growth; internal divisions, the Turkish ned at the prospect of a poss- e working class against further already at starvation level.

Before we ana struggle and the should look ack Turkey. lyse the pr crisis of briefly at esent development of the revolutionary leadership he history of class strugg cl ass we in ss Struggl The int velopr ion in the de reflect : in the ernation sent of Turkey 60s a offer Ional the nd 1970s sive of 1 liberatoı 1960s TH J0A MO of

the development of fascist rces and terror to smash the emergence of mass struggles. In two years of the first NF coalition more than 300 workers, students and left wingers were killed, and thousands were wounded and arrested.

Thousands of teachers, civil servants and students were victimised as the fascists moved in to control the state apparatus, the universities and the factories. Strikes and factory occupations were smashed by fascist thugs, and whole sections of warkers forced to join the fascist trade union' confederation (MISK) as a precondition for keeping their jobs. Behind this fascist civilian army of the big employers stood the state military and police forces.

But both political and economic crises of the NF coalition were deepening, splitting it from within, while the class struggle reached virtually the point of civil war. The Stalinists, did nothing against the developing fascist terror, but simply called upon the President and parliament to act in defence of democracy' while advising workers not to be provoked. Their policy was to bring down the NF coalition by democratic means' and the establishment of a "progressive democratic regime". This meant effectively a coalition of RPP and TCP, with the Stalinists subordinating the working class to the RPP as the main force of 'demo- cracy'. Even after the May Day massacre of 1977 where 40 workers were killed, the Stalinists insisted that we are not going to call demonstrations before Ecevit's RPP comes into office'. Such Popular Frontist policies have of course done nothing to stop the fascists but on the contrary are res- ponsible for their growth. With the working class held physically parolysed the fascists have extended their base in the petty bourgeoisie. And as the bourgeoisie sensed its weakness it has shifted resources behind the fascists. Mean- while Ecevit, backed by the union leaders, struck a deal with the NF agreeing an early election in June 1977.

DISK, along with the TCP and other organisations decided to support the RPP in the election. They were joined in this decision by Turkish USFI supporters, who from a different starting point also ended up abandoning the fight for working class politica independence. The election results brough a major gain for the fascists who took more than one million votes. The RPP vote also increased -a measure of the mass hostility to the NF coalition, which had been denied an independent expres sion. The TLP reluctantly participating in its own name after ch a deal with Ecevit wo" on y 30,000 votes. fo

TROTSK YISM TODAY, JULY 1978.

period after the municipal elections has solved nothing. The bourgeoisie do not want an RPPJP coalition, nor do they want a government based on working class support. There is no capitalist solution to the Turkish economic crisis without smashing the organised strength of the working class in the drive for profit. This critical weakness of the Turkish bourgeoisie coupled with the treachery of working class leadership is the reason for the growth of the fascists.

Meanwhile the determination of workers o fight is remonstrated by the marathon eight mont strike by 40,000 metal workers. But workers confront complete bankruptcy of leadership.

The call by the TCP and the building of a Nationa fascism is a continuation of Popular Front. The first polic that the RPP should icin it.

party in power requires must persuade the big workers" struggles. This sharp move to the right. appeal, Ecevit launched DISK-prompting the ei and taking an RPP m Council at the special c against the Stairists but of the un ons parties of Stalinist origin for I Democratic Front' against the class collaboration of the y put forward by this Front is But the RPP as a bourgeois right wing policies and Ecevit geoisie that he can suppress sires not bloc politics but a once he had rejected the NDF attack on TCP supporters in sion of nine full-time officials.

ty on both EC and General ess. This is a blow not simply the wor cing class independence in *Democratic hree crucial r Thou shor 'Democratic Front" policies are counter-revolutionary rain Fre espe tinat bourgeoisie. 2) They deny the leading alliance with the petty bourge 3) They promote pacifist, workers disarmed in the face no direction to radicalised forces. The Stal alliance with th democratic" politics, leaving ois role oisie. 'democra of fascist petty-bor itics, and and leaving offering peasant Sitt the

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pett course argue that y bourgeoisie it is in order accessory 82 c have an have an alliance with the party tney support-te orr. such anu- Marxist logic leaves out an analysis of the petty-bourgeoisie, as a force wavering between the two fundamentally opposed social classes bourgeoisie and proletariat.

History has shown that only the independent revol utionary mobilisation of the working class can offer a clear lead which can outweigh the petty bourgeois" conservative attachment to the big capitalists. For this reason it is essential that the fight is taken up inside the Turkish trade union confederations to demonstrate to workers in struggle on jobs and wages that their demands can only be met through a clear political break from Ecevit and the bourgeois RPP government. The essential demand for the arming of workers" militia the only genuine defence against fascist attacks on the organised labour movement will be opposed as much by Ecevit as by any other capitalist government. This means that the fight for wage increases sliding scale of wages and for work sharing on f for a crash programme of public works are insep: the fight to break the trade unions from their bli RPP, and the demand that the workers' parties break from Ecevit and form a workers' ant government. This de Page 38 Af showec shown rights. he set his an tunist support. The fact hat Ecevit lost the vote of confidence moved by the right wing indicated the uncertainty of the big capitalists in his ability to control the working class. They wanted more repression rather than collaboration. And that required another NF coalition. The second NF coalition intensified the attacks on working class living standards and democratic rights. As Turkish capitalism lurched further into extreme crisis so the regime has stepped up repression The big bourgeoisie is consciously preparing the fascist cara for such a situation. The defeat of Demirel's coalition in the ter tne electio Ecevit's minc 1 its true colours as his governmer to exclude even the most eleme Instead, assured of reformist and out to win the support of the big ti-communist propaganda did not leaders of the workers mover tty government i programme was ntary democratic Stalinist backing. bourgeoisie, Even bring the oppor- ent to withdraw ked to a ull pay and rable from ac with the themselves peasants'

workers' parties begins largely as a propaganda sic as the Eceit government is driven by the force of to vicious new attacks on the working class and look to their organisations for a lead such an or could rapidly win mass support.

This same political line must be the central thrust of the fight for local united front bodies from workers' parties and the trade unions to form the first elements of workers militia and to coordinate and spread strikes on wages and in defence of iobs. And while such a direction is developed gan. But the crisis workers ientation The constitution of the Turkish alises the national oppression of the Frontist policies of the TCP recogn the direct oppression of Kurdistan.

The problem of the Kurdish liberation struggle is thus mainly the political problem of leadership. Bourgeois nationalist leaders such as Barzania Talabani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party are incapable of conducting consistent armed struggle to achieve independence. In 1975 Barzani and the KDP sold out the struggle to American imperialism and established alliances with Iran. The conse- quences of this betrayal was a great defeat, which has brought some changes in the ranks of the KDP.

Rut this is onlv the most recent betraval in parliament Kurds-so ise and tac institution- the Popular itly support for the w extended alongside Such the expr provide ( prices to workers peasants, The exploited orking class in the cities, the programme must be to draw in and mobilise the poor peasantry the workers against capitalist reaction.

a programme in Turkey would of course include priation of the big landowners, and measures to heap credit, improved transport and guaranteed peasant farmers through the establishment of control through joint committees of workers, and agricultural workers.

plight of those thousands of fa as casual labour at harvest time and inchirtee lished first Kurdish Republ in 1946 as part of the Yalta The political task of consist of the fight for an gain and preserve working c the bourgeois nationalists.

leaders continue to wage ar nemanation mict nive Stalin's claricion to ic (Mehabat and Potsdam Trotskyists i independent ass political i But so long med struggle them mater cut off aid to the alread estab- Kurdish Republici agreements. n Kurdistan must party and fight to ndependence from as the bourgeois against imperialist ial sunport while rm workers unemployed for farm workers. This demand Ic the creation of new jobs through works. Peasant delegates must struggles with workers in the fight big monopolies, the banks and ir enable the drawing up of a work and to demonstrate the necessity Turkish and foreign capital.

Every one of these deman for iner rest fiaht for the te year must be chalenged through tre auaranteed emnlovment and a minimum wace ads into the demand for a programme of public be drawn into united to open the books of the sport-export agencies to ers* plan of production, for the expropriation of ting to ward a socialist programme. Such a programme will tocus on democratic (national independence, a constituent assembly.

to speak Kurdish, etc but must also point permanent character of the revolution. The futi Kurdish labouring masses will be in the future uni republics of the Middle East.

For this reason the sharpest struggle must against the Stalinist concept of organisational Kurds with Iranian, Turkish, Iraqi and Syrian sive forces. As a nation which is already divided by the imperialist policies of these countries, th demands the right out the re of the ted soviet Is eads worker and peasant be waged unity of 'progres• into four e burning alike to the necessitv tor tneir the bourgeois republicanism of Ecevit, own independent united organisations, workers parties to take power in their struggle workers and peasants would ce with the conscious Popular Frontism of t bureaucrats, and the best elements would the need for a qualitatively new, revolutio Only in this way can our comrades tional work in Turkey be directed in ines laid down in the Transitional P to establish their and to force the hands. In such a sme into conflict he TCP and union come to recognise nary leadership. •propaganda and a living way along ogramme and the ssue for t ndependen iberation. The 'unity of the working masses of countries with he Kurds must be on the struggle against their own bourgeoisie.

unity must mean unity in an internationa organisation the reconstructed Fourth Inter As Trotsky pointed out: "For the backward colonia and semi-colonial countries the struggle for democracy, including the struggle for national independence, represents a necessary and progres- sive stage of historical development. It is for this reason that we deem it not only the right but also the duty of workers in these countries actively to participate in the 'defence of the fatherland' against imperialism, on condition, to be sure, that they preserve the complete independence of their class organisations and conduct a ruthless struggle against the poison of chauvinism".

(Trotsky, Writings 1938-9, And again in Perspectives and Tasks in the East: "The struggle for the independence of india is a profoundly progressive movement; but you and i know at the same time that this struggle is confined to national- bourgeois tasks. The struggle for the liberation of China, the ideology of Sun Yat-sen, is a democratic struggle and a progressive ideology, but bourgeois. We stand for communists supporting the Kuomintang in Cni by driving it forward". (p.8) agit the way opened up only represent, i *a short episode the proletariat' Tor a worke n the words o on the road f tl to

COVEETHTETIE WIG COUN

1e Transitional Programme the actual dictatorship of tional Question- Kurdistan.

The Kurdish national liberation struggle is a m for the class struggle in Turkey. A majority of Kur 10 million in number-live in Turkey, and the Ki a history of struggle for their independence. Alth main battles have taken place in Iran and Iraq the Turkey played an important role in these struggles.

The question cannot be discussed in detail i document-a separate document should be prepared But because of immediate tasks we must briefly outli key political questions. The main all-Turkish parties active and having some influence in Turkey-Kurdistan are the TCP and the RPP.

The RPP buys off the petty bourgeois layers of the Kurdish people and assimilates them into the state apparatus while the Stalinists oppose independent mobilis- ation for national independence. The chauvinist and oppor- tunist policies of the TCP propose a fight for a "progressive democratic regime' in Turkey as a solution to the Kurdish question! Page 39 ajor issue ds-some ards have ough the Kurds of n this on it. ne the he Kurd t of the s Is to ul bourgeoisi ity in a single e in the struggle organısatior for nationa the occupying basis of active Organisational I revolutionary national

Leit in the Limelight In il togethe nationa views t savoure for this fea egular aterial to m may new. 1 iu feature Trotsk from a wide rang ake available to vell otherwise m Ve invite reader ith or without ism Today e of sources our readers s, or which to submit seir own co • we aim to bring on the left inter- information and we feel should be suggested material mments pnoney Unfortu claim nate of such new, ugly, reputation Robertson himself. Roberts minutes, gi an analysis situation. I to internationalism. the performance was acter that it added a damaging stain on the Trotskyism which identifie with of 85 for ninety what was heralded as he world conjunctural s somewhat incredible oft

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that the leade characterizes similar societie had nothing at of them with r of a group which Russia, China and s as "workers" states" all to say about most one exception. But political o insignifica meandering delivered hets that ir capacities ywhere ar y non-whil -English spi lis way. Hi: working 1 versight quickly paled nce. In the course of / travelogue, Robert a series of chauvinist sulted the revolution. of the working classes id denigrated almost le, 1-American and taking people that got s theme was to blame masses for the weak

SIBLE OF STIC SEN

Robertson state of the revolutionary movement.

warmed uD wit

THEREL-

h the sneering com namese victory a "big deal' a important workers many After million struggle Ir nent • over nd wa the lonesia live lier t inese has that the Viet. imperialism was s "not really as feat of the because "not in Indoct lismissal ‹ people and had enormo as in Ind seople lis cav Indocl whict de ina" 56 15 • consequences really got going "The Greek selling its chil watches to one Albania Robertson nation of "Norther with fat." region can t adjustments workers in be bought would on popular fronts' Canada (although has a grou it is only iali ilat or anot ier". only "worke fit to mentio fuckers" Europe is ipping the workers of this bought off with slight Similarly, the foreign isa countries can also and when deported end supporting pop dren , the saw goat ion sel sts by Swiss IS State n. was 4552 up not worth considering Spartacist tendency that country because "fringe on the surrey p in xtending titty miles north of the us order". Non-English speaking North America (Mexico and Quebec, with the most advanced class struggles on the continent) was specifically ignored in this talk, which was supposed to deal with the work!

revolutionary settin As for the US, here obertsor the be ieves unt